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Which Son Obeyed his Father? The Textual Problem in Matthew 21:29-31

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21:28 “What do you think? A man had two sons. He went to the first and said, ‘Son, go and work in the vineyard today.’ 21:29 The boy answered, ‘I will not.’ But later he had a change of heart and went. 21:30 The father went to the other son and said the same thing. This boy answered, ‘I will, sir,’ but did not go. 21:31 Which of the two did his father’s will?” They said, “The first.” Jesus said to them, “I tell you the truth, tax collectors and prostitutes will go ahead of you into the kingdom of God! 21:32 For John came to you in the way of righteousness, and you did not believe him. But the tax collectors and prostitutes believed him. Although you saw this, you did not later change your minds and believe him.” — NET Bible

Matthew 21:29-31 involves a rather complex textual problem. The variants cluster into three different groups: (1) The first son says “no” and later has a change of heart, and the second son says “yes” but does not go. The second son is called the one who does his father’s will! This reading is found in the Western manuscripts. But the reading is so hard as to be next to impossible. One can only suspect some tampering with the text (e.g., that the Pharisees would indeed give lip-service to obedience and would betray themselves in their very response) or extreme carelessness on the part of the scribe. (Either option, of course, is not improbable with this particular texttype, and with codex D in particular.) The other two major variants are more difficult to assess. Essentially, the responses are sensical (the son who does his father’s will is the one who changes his mind after saying “no”: (2) The first son says “no” and later has a change of heart, and the second son says “yes” but does does not go. But here, the first son is called the one who does his father’s will (unlike the Western reading). This is the reading found in א C* L W Δ Byz and many itala and Syriac witnesses. (3) The first son says “yes” but does not go, and the second son says “no” but later has a change of heart. This is the reading found in B Θ f13 700 and several versional witnesses.

Both of these latter two readings make good sense and have significantly better textual support than the first reading. The real question, then, is: Is the first son or the second the obedient one? If we were to argue simply from the parabolic logic, we would tend to see the second son as the obedient one (hence, the third reading). The first son would represent the Pharisees (or Jews) who claim to obey God, but do not (cf. Matt 23:3). This comports well with the parable of the prodigal son (in which the oldest son represents the unbelieving Jews). Further, the chronological sequence of the second son being obedient fits well with the real scene: Gentiles and tax collectors and prostitutes are not, collectively, God’s chosen people, but they do repent and come to God, while the Jewish leaders claimed to be obedient to God but did nothing. At the same time, the external evidence is weaker for this reading (though stronger than the first reading), not as widespread, and certainly doubtful because of how neatly it fits. One suspects scribal manipulation at this point. (One might even conjecture that the Western reading originated from some attempt to smooth things out, but the scribe got confused along the way and created a worse blunder, just as several Georgian witnesses seemed to do.) Thus, the second reading looks to be superior to the other two on both external and transcriptional grounds.

When one comes to the interpretation of the parable, it is of course possible that we ought not overinterpret. Jesus didn’t always give predictable responses. Chronological sequencing was not necessarily a part of the parabolic package. For example, in the eschatological parable of the wheat and darnel (Matt 13:24-30), it is the darnel that is gathered first and thrown into the furnace; but in the eschatological parable of the sheep and goats (Matt 25:31-46), the sheep go into the kingdom first, then the goats receive their punishment (vv. 34, 46). We must be careful not to make parables walk on all fours; that is, not every point in the parable has interpretive correspondence.

However, in this instance, the sequencing seems to be intentional—and many scribes, though trying to improve on the logic of the presentation, missed the rhetorical power of Jesus’ message. The Lord seems to have painted a picture in which the Pharisees saw themselves as the first son. They would have regarded themselves as in a place of privilege, the first ones chosen by God, and those who actually obeyed the Father’s will. (One is reminded of the ancient rabbinic prayer: “I thank you, Lord, that you did not make me a woman or a Gentile”!) Then came the O’Henry twist: The Pharisees are not the first son, but the second. They are not the ones who have obeyed their heavenly Father, but the tax collectors and prostitutes are! In some respects, this chronological reversal is reminiscent of Nathan’s approach to King David when he pointed out his sin with Bathsheba (2 Sam 12:1-7). Both Nathan and Jesus ‘set up’ the hearers to elicit a certain response (that of indignation at the disobedient one in the story), only to show that those very hearers were not on the side of righteousness.

Thus, when one looks at the internal coherence of the story, it seems evident that the Western reading flattens out the mystery and presents the Pharisees as not only unrighteous but blithering idiots. But such a lack of subtlety was probably not a part of the story or the historical situation. And the third reading improves the text—at first glance—but in reality seems to unravel the rich tapestry that is being woven by the Master Teacher himself.

Related Topics: Fathers, Men's Articles, Textual Criticism

The Five Big Events of the Millennium

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The Human Events issue of 31 December 1999 published the opinion of ten leaders as to the five greatest events of the last millennium. The leaders were professors, authors, lawyers, politicians: Phyllis Schafly, William Rusher, Terry Jeffrey (editor of Human Events), M. Stanton Evans, Charles Rice (Notre Dame Law Professor), Edwin Feulner (Heritage Foundation), Tom Palmer (Cato Institute), Herbert London (president of the Hudson Institute), Allan Carlson (Howard Center), and Ann Coulter (lawyer).

I wish to offer a very brief commentary on what was selected by these leaders. I have two simple points to make. (1) As I look at the biggies that these ten leaders chose, I am especially intrigued by the values that these individuals have. If they consider personal and political freedoms as high on the list, their big five reflect this (e.g., Magna Carta, Declaration of Independence, American Revolution). If they value technology and science, then Galileo, the transistor, and DNA get the nod. If intellectual pursuits and new horizons of exploration are important, then Columbus’ landing in America, Gutenberg’s printing press, Descartes’ cogito ergo sum, and several important books (e.g., Newton’s, Aquinas’, etc.) often get mentioned. If how one relates to God is important—especially how a community relates to God—then the Pope’s deeds and Aquinas are listed. What I found very curious, however, was what was missing from all of these lists. This leads me to my next point.

(2) Two items spoke volumes by their omission: The Turkish invasion of Byzantium in May of 1453 and Martin Luther’s nailing the 95 theses on the door of the Wittenberg church. Ironically, far more people are aware of Luther’s act than that of the Turks, yet the invasion was real while Luther's deed was, as far as we know, a bit apocryphal. That is, apparently Luther never nailed those theses to the door (an act which is largely misunderstood anyway; it signified at that time a challenge to a public debate, not disrespect for the church). Yes, Luther wrote the theses, and yes, they were distributed throughout Europe within weeks (about 100,000 copies were made very soon thanks to Gutenberg’s press), signalling the start of the Reformation. But that Luther actually physically nailed the theses to the church door is, as I understand it, a myth. But his writing of and the distribution of the 95 theses must surely be one of the five most significant events of the millennium. Western Europe (and all the continents that were discovered by western Europeans) was forever changed because of this event. The authority structure of people’s lives changed from tradition to revelation and reason. As for the Turkish invasion of Byzantium: its importance is in the fact that when it took place the Greek scholars fled with their manuscripts into the rest of Europe. And soon afterward, Europe awakened to the treasures of the Greek world: the Renaissance was born in the south and the Reformation in the north as a result. That it happened one to three years before Gutenberg’s press (we’re not really sure of the exact year that he invented moveable type) was a great ‘coincidence.’

So what are the big five I would choose? In chronological order: (1) The Turkish invasion of Byzantium (1453), (2) Gutenberg’s printing press (c. 1454-56), (3) Columbus’ discovery of America (1492), (4) the publication of Luther’s 95 theses (1517), and (5) I can’t decide! But that these first four all took place within a period of 75 years—and not within the 20th century—ought to humble us about how great this past century has been. It truly has been a marvel on a technological level. But what about an ethical level? Have we made great strides in ethics, or more particularly, in the Christian faith? As Dr. John Hannah, historical theologian at Dallas Seminary, predicted nearly 25 years ago: “All generations of Christians are marked by one theological point or another. The present generation will undoubtedly be marked by hamartiology [the doctrine of sin].” He said this somewhat tongue-in-cheek: We are not marked by the doctrine of sin, but by its practice. That we have honed to an art form.

Related Topics: Cultural Issues

New Testament Eschatology in the Light of Progressive Revelation

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The following rough essay is intended to be something to think about; it is neither a polished piece nor altogether finalized in my own thinking. I welcome interaction and criticisms from all quarters.

Preface

Certain assumptions made by premillennialists and amillennialists about eschatology in the NT may well be wrong-headed. Specifically, both sides tend to flatten out eschatology so that the whole can be seen in any part. Premillennialists tend to see a time-bound earthly kingdom in the OT where none exists; amillennialists tend to interpret the Apocalypse only in the light of previous revelation, rather than allowing that book to govern and guide all earlier interpretation.

Thesis One: Only as revelation unfolds, do we see clearly the distinction between certain eschatological events--such as between the earthly kingdom and the eternal state. (Our main contention is that a time-fixed earthly kingdom is not taught until Rev 20.) We already have such a pattern in Isa 61:1-2 (cf. Jesus’ use of it in Luke 4:18-19, in which he omits the last line of text which speaks of God’s vengeance, because it was not yet fulfilled).

Curiously, most students of the Bible assume progress between the testaments, but deny it within the NT. To be sure, the time frame is much shorter. But there is ample evidence of progressive revelation within the NT about several themes--that is, certain themes are not developed/recognized until after some time (including the deity of Christ and of the Spirit, the idea that our souls go immediately to heaven, the fact of the rapture, etc.).

Thesis Two: Prophetic telescoping is due to prophetic ignorance. That is to say, when there are major gaps in a prophet’s eschatological scheme, this seems to be due to him not knowing of what goes in the gap.

Demonstration

The idea of a time-fixed earthly kingdom is not taught until Rev 20. Reading the Bible chronologically reveals that the millennial kingdom is not clearly distinguished from the eternal state until the last book of the Bible. Amillennialists have argued this for some time; and their point is that therefore Rev 20 needs to be interpreted in light of earlier prophecies. But surely they would not do this with the first and second comings of Christ: that is, even though the two comings are not clearly distinguished in the OT, amillennialists recognize that the Bible affirms a second coming. My point is that progressive revelation shows that just as the two mountain ranges of Christ’s two comings are virtually indistinguishable in the OT, so also the two future stages of the kingdom do not get distinguished until AD 96.

Specifically, the OT texts do not make a distinction between the earthly kingdom and the eternal state (cf. the intermingling of the two in Isa 65:17-25). Only with exegetical gymnastics can one find this distinction between the earthly kingdom and eternity in the Olivet Discourse.1 First Corinthians 15:21-28 is often used as a prooftext for the millennial kingdom, but without Rev 20, no one would see it.2 Hindsight is 20/20. Further, 2 Pet 3:10 seems to view the Lord’s return as ushering in eternity (“But the day of the Lord will come like a thief; when it comes, the heavens will disappear with a horrific noise, and the heavenly bodies will melt away in a blaze, and the earth and every deed done on it will be laid bare.”3) Likewise, 2 Thess 1:9-10 seems to ‘telescope’ the eschaton (in that there is no gap between the Lord’s return and the eternal destruction of the wicked).

In the treatment of such passages, I believe the amillennialists have had a superior exegesis. Premillennialists often have such a flat view of revelation that they see things that are impossible historically. For example, is it really plausible to say, as Leon Wood does in his commentary on Daniel, that we should read Dan 2:44 as “the God of heaven will set up a kingdom which will not be destroyed for an age”?4 The Aramaic term ‘lma’ [lamá] (equivalent to the Hebrew ‘olam) can, of course, in some contexts mean ‘age’ rather than ‘eternity.’ But to argue that here is pure dogma. Wood says, “According to Revelation 20:3, the millennial kingdom lasts 1000 years, the duration of time intended here.”5 There is not a shred of evidence in all of Daniel to suggest that he intended 1000 years. Wood simply argues this from the vantage point of Rev 20.

What am I saying? I am simply arguing that we need to read the Bible in light of the progress of revelation--not only between the testaments but also within each testament. Even within the NT there is progressive understanding. We (i.e., both pretribulationists and posttribulationists) tend to impose a systematic framework on the text, rather than adhering to a biblical approach to exegesis in this instance. Although we would agree that scripture does not disagree with itself, we would be quite wrong to assume that the finality of revelation was known in its details before it was ever recorded.

If we were to chart out the progress of revelation according to the time of the prediction, we would see the following:

Old Testament prophecies taken as a whole: mixture of earthly kingdom and eternal state (cf. Isa 65; Dan 2, 7; Jer 31:31-40)6; resurrection of the righteous and wicked occurs simultaneously at the end of the tribulation (Dan 12:1-2).

Olivet Discourse (AD 33): eternal kingdom on earth = eternal life; perhaps other ‘confusions’ such as: tribulation/Jewish war as prelude to Lord’s return; judgment of the nations (Matt 25) seems to encompass two judgments: Great White Throne Judgment (at end of the millennium) & a preliminary judgment to determine who goes into the millennium (cf. Dan 12:1-2).7 When one reads of this judgment in Matt 25:34-46, only unpacking it later in light of Rev 20, it seems probable that two distinct judgments really are in view.

1 Thess 4:13--5:11: Resurrection of Christian believers seems to take place pretribulationally; while resurrection of OT saints is still posttribulational, along with the resurrection of the wicked dead.

2 Thess 1:9-10 (AD 49): Immediately after the Lord returns, eternal judgment is meted out on the ungodly. There is no hellish holding tank; the Great White Throne Judgment (though not called by that name) takes place at the Lord’s advent.

2 Pet 3:1-13: new heaven and new earth come when the Lord returns. The eternal state is thus earthly and heavenly.

Rev 20:1-6: earthly kingdom is 1000 years and is clearly distinguished from the eternal state which is to follow; resurrection of the wicked dead occurs after the millennial kingdom.

By comparing these various passages, one can see that, as time goes on, earlier melting pot prophecies get unpacked and sorted out.

Implications

It is not valid to argue against premillennialism simply because the distinction between the eternal state and the earthly temporary kingdom is not made until Rev 20. Earlier revelation must yield to later revelation in this matter, just as it does in other theological areas (such as the Trinity). What gives us a right to argue for a thousand-year kingdom? The 1000 years are mentioned both in the prophecy and its interpretation. When this is the case in Revelation, we must seek no other interpretation.

If the first coming--second coming matrix is at all paradigmatic for the remainder of prophecy, then we all must be less than dogmatic about both date-fixing and claims of thorough comprehension about certain eschatological events. Many prophecies that look like single events may well be multiple events. How can we be sure? Only as we get closer to the mountain peaks off in the distance can we distinguish them. In the case of Jesus’ first coming, it was not even distinguished by his disciples until after he died and rose again.

Surely there are other areas of biblical theology where we have imported our finalized conclusions without giving the historical situation of the text in question its due. Much profit can be gained from looking at scripture through the historical lens as opposed to the systematic lens of centuries of formulation. These two must be complementary, though, not contradictory.


1Note that Matt 25:34 (“inherit the kingdom”) and 25:46 (“the righteous [will enter] into eternal life”) are, most naturally, speaking about the same event. Yet, if we try to distinguish the millennium from the eternal state in this discourse we have something of a contradiction. Further, it is equally difficult to distinguish the tribulation before the Lord’s return from the Jewish War. I strongly suspect that Jesus himself was unaware of such distinctions (cf. Matt 24:36).

2Cf., e.g., Fee’s NICNT commentary, loc. cit. The most we can get out of 1 Cor 15:21-28 is that there may be some time for Christ to do his ‘clean-up operation’--that is, to bring everything, including death, under submission to his sovereignty. But to read into this text a one thousand year period is unwarranted. Indeed, it seems equally plausible to extract from this text the notion that Christ is now reigning and is bringing everything under his submission (v 25). “Then comes the end” (v 24), in this scenario, would support a postmillennial/amillennial position. Suffice it to say that the millennium is anything but clear in this text.

3 NET Bible translation.

4L. Wood, A Commentary on Daniel, 71.

5Ibid., 73.

6 There are other potential confusions in the OT such as in Ezek 38-39 where the prophecy against Gog and Magog is usually taken to refer to the great battle at the end of the millennial kingdom. But it could also refer, as a sort of pre-fulfillment, to the great battles during the last half of the Tribulation.

7 Premillennialists tend to see this judgment as at the beginning of the millennial kingdom and the Great White Throne Judgment as at the end.

Related Topics: Eschatology (Things to Come)

The Textual Problem Of "οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός" In Matthew 24:36

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A curious textual problem occurs in Matt 24:36. The NA27/UBS 4 text reads Περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης καὶ ὥρας οὐδεὶς οἶδεν, οὐδὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν οὐρανῶν οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατὴρ μόνος1 (But concerning that day and hour no one knows, not even the angels of heaven, nor the Son, except the Father alone). Many manuscripts (א1 L W f1 33 Ï), however, omit οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός. Perhaps the omission was a theologically motivated change in order to preserve Jesus’ omniscience. However, why would the scribes omit the phrase in Matt 24:36 and not in Mark 13:32? Only Codex X, the Latin Vulgate, and a few other Greek manuscripts omit it. Is it possible that certain scribes could have harmonized the text of Matt 24:36 to that of Mark 13:32? Several factors need to be considered in this problem besides external evidence and the theological motivations of certain scribes. First, could the anti-Arian discussions among the church fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries CE have affected the transmission of Matt 24:36? Second, do the scribes of א, B, D tend to harmonize toward Matthew or toward Mark? Third, how would scribes have interpreted εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ in Mark 13:32? Could the ancient scribes interpreted εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ in Mark 13:32 as simply preeminently true as opposed to exclusively true? If so, they could omit the phrase in Matthew, but not necessarily in Mark. These three factors need to be taken into consideration in order to evaluate adequately the internal evidence of this textual problem.

External Evidence

Before we take a look at the internal arguments, a brief examination of external evidence is in order. Favoring the reading of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός is א and B the two fourth century primary uncials of the Alexandrian textttype. The Western text is represented by the fifth century uncial D as well as several manuscripts of the itala, some of which are as early as the fourth century. The Caeserean text is represented by minuscules of f13 and 28, but no manuscript is earlier than the eleventh century. The Byzantine text is represented by Θ from the ninth century and 1505 from the eleventh century. In addition to the Greek manuscripts and the itala, there is versional evidence in the Latin Vulgate, Ethiopic, Armenian, Georgian versions. Patristic evidence includes Irenaeus (Latin),2 Origen (Latin),3 Epiphanius,4 Dydimus,5 Cyril of Alexandria,6 Chrysostom,7 Hilary,8 Ambrose,9 Augustine,10 and Latin manuscripts according to Jerome.11 Geographic distribution, therefore, includes all four texttypes, but only in the Alexandrian and Western texttypes is the distribution definitive before the fifth century.12 In terms of genealogical solidarity, the witness of א and B suggests that the reading goes back to an early second century archetype. The Western text also points to a second century archetype with the alignment of D, the early itala, and the witness of Irenaeus. Thus, there is good and early manuscript support for the inclusion οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός.

The support for the omission is not as impressive but it does have some merit. The evidence is mainly Byzantine including the uncials N W Σ of the fifth and sixth centuries. Codex L and 33 represent the Alexandrian texttype, while f1 565 and 579 represent the Caeserean text. In addition to this, the first corrector of א also represents the omission, a point that should not be overlooked since Sinaiticus may very well have been corrected before it left the scriptorum. While the Greek manuscripts are not that impressive, the omission has good versional support in Coptic, Syriac, and the Latin Vulgate. There is also patristic support in Origen, Athanasius,13 Dydimus,14 Jerome,15 Greek manuscripts according to Jerome16 and Ambrose,17 Phoebadius, Gregory of Nyssa,18 and Basil.19 The omission also has geographic distribution in all four regions, and it is early in the Alexandrian, Western and Byzantine regions.20 Genealogical solidarity can only be found in the Byzantine texttype, which has a fourth century archetype.

While the inclusion of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός definitely has the edge in terms of date and character and genealogical solidarity, geographic distribution is practically a tie, and perhaps leans in the direction of the omission. It is also to be noted that there is no representation from the papyri for either reading, so the external evidence is not as one-sided as it is often made out to be. External evidence should be probably be rated a B+ according to the UBS rating scale in light of all the factors.

Internal Evidence

The internal evidence is much more difficult to decide. Before we address the main disputes it would be helpful to examine transcriptural probability to see if the possibility of an accidental error is possible.

Transcriptural Probability

The following is a layout of how the variants would look in uncial script.

GreekUncials21

It is possible that a scribe simply skipped over οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός because of the first οὐδέ phrase. This, however, would not explain the deliberate deletion by the first corrector of א.22 Whether the first corrector was conforming the text to the exemplar or to other manuscripts that he knew to omit the phrase is a matter of speculation. While an accidental error is possible, it may not be the best explanation.

Two divergent explanations have been given that argue for an intentional alteration. Note Metzger’s comments.

The words “neither the Son” are lacking in the majority of the witnesses of Matthew, including the later Byzantine text. On the other hand, the best representatives of the Alexandrian, the Western, and the Caesarean types of text contain the phrase. The omission of the words because of the doctrinal difficulty they present is more probable than their addition by assimilation to Mk 13.32. Furthermore, the presence of μόνος and the cast of the sentence as a whole (οὐδὲοὐδὲ…belong together as a parenthesis, for εἰ μὴ ὁ πατὴρ μόνος goes with οὐδεὶς οἶδεν) suggest the originality of the phrase.

However, the textual note on Matt 24:36 in the NET Bible argues differently:

Early Alexandrian and Western witnesses add οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός (oude Jo Juios, “nor the son”) here. Although the shorter reading is suspect in that it seems to soften the prophetic ignorance of Jesus, the final phrase (“except the Father alone”) already implies this. Further, the parallel in Mark 13:32 has οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός, with almost no witnesses omitting the expression. Hence, it is doubtful that the omission of “neither the Son” is due to the scribes. In keeping with Matthew’s general softening of Mark’s harsh statements throughout his Gospel, it is more likely that the omission of “neither the Son” is part of the original text of Matthew, being an intentional change on the part of the author. Further, this shorter reading is supported by the first corrector of א as well as the following: E F G H K L M N S U V W Γ Δ Π Ë1 33 Byz vg syr cop, along with several mss with which Jerome was acquainted. Admittedly, the external evidence is not as impressive for the shorter reading, but it best explains the rise of the other reading (in particular, how does one account for virtually no mss excising οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός at Mark 13:32 if such an omission here is due to scribal alteration? Although scribes were hardly consistent, for such a theologically significant issue at least some consistency would be expected on the part of a few scribes).23

The arguments appear to be somewhat balanced. On the one hand, Metzger and the majority of commentators24 argue for the inclusion on the basis of the harder reading, the tendency of scribes to remove theological difficulties,25 and grammar.26 On the other hand, Allen, Plummer, and Wallace argue for the omission on the basis of the shorter reading, scribal harmonization to Mark 13:32, and Matthean style of softening Mark’s harsher statements. In order to evaluate the weight of these arguments, three things need to be considered: 1) scribal tendencies in harmonizing the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, 2) the use of Matt 24:36 and Mark 13:32 in the Arian controversies of fourth century CE, and 3) the range of meaning of εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ.

Scribal Tendencies in Harmonizations

When we looks at the textual variants involving scribal harmonizations between Matthew and Mark, we note that it was more common for scribes to harmonize Mark to Matthew. In the table in Appendix II, we have 61 of the most significant instances involving harmonization.27 Of the 61, only eighteen involve harmonizations from Matthew to Mark or about 30%. Therefore, about 70% involve harmonizations from Mark to Matthew. What is also significant is that scribes harmonized Mark 13:32 to Matt 24:36 in two places.28 But what are the scribal tendencies of the major manuscripts, א, B, and D, in harmonizing the Gospels of Matthew and Mark? The scribe of Codex Sinaiticus harmonizes Matthew to Mark about six times, while he harmonizes Mark to Matthew nineteen times. The scribe of Codex Vaticanus harmonizes Matthew to Mark only twice, but conforms Mark to Matthew twelve times. The scribe of Codex Bezae conforms Matthew to Mark seven times, while Mark is harmonized to Matthew nineteen times. Both א and D change Mark’s ἤ τῆς to καί in Mark 13:32. Clearly the tendency among these scribes is to conform Mark to Matthew, especially the scribe of Vaticanus.

However, this does not settle the issue. Since Matthew has a tendency to soften Mark’s harsher statements and to strike out statements that imply Jesus’ ignorance, one needs to look at whether texts that involve this type of softening are harmonized to Mark. Texts in Mark, but not in Matthew where Jesus expresses ignorance or inability include Mark 1:45; 5:9, 30; 6:5, 38, 48; 7:24; 8:12, 23; 9:16, 21, 33; 11:13; 14:14. However, none of these statements in Mark appear in the manuscripts of Matthew surveyed. Neither are the statements in manuscripts of Mark omitted to conform to Matthew. In fact, the only place where Matthew’s “softening” language is altered by the scribes is in Matt 19:17 where τί με ἐρωτᾷς περὶ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ is replaced with τί με λέγεις ἀγαθόν in C,  E, F, G, H, W, Δ, Σ, f13, Ï. But this is a much different type of change than the addition of οὐδες ὁ υἱός in Matt 24:36. Therefore, even though Matthew has a tendency to soften Mark’s harsher language, the ancient scribes very rarely assimilated Matthew to the harsher language, and even avoided conforming Mark to Matthew’s softer language.

Matt 24:36 and Mark 13:32 in the Arian Controversies

Matthew 24:36 and Mark 13:32 was a storm-center amidst the church fathers in the Arian controversies of fourth century AD. Both sides utilized these texts in their arguments and at several points the inclusion or omission of οὐδες ὁ υἱός in Matt 24:36 becomes the center of attention. The fathers that argue about these texts the most are Athanasius, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Ambrose, Hilary, and Augustine. Athanasius basically argued that Jesus only knew according to his divine nature, but did not know according to his human nature.29 He argues that Jesus really did know the time of his coming, but portrayed himself to the disciples as ignorant in order to teach them not to speculate. Athanasius is also reported to claim at the council of Nicea that οὐδες ὁ υἱός was not in Matthew, but only in Mark. He then tries to demonstrate that Mark 13:32 must be understood differently than Matt 24:36 by appealing to Jesus’ oneness with the Father (John 10:30) and asserts that if the Son is one with the Father, he must also be one in knowledge.30 Even though this text is considered spurious, it probably reflects Athanasius’ sentiments, if not his words.  Similarly, Gregory Nazianzen, in answering the tenth objection of the Eunomians concerning the Son’s ignorance of the last day, argued that the Son knew as God and did not know as man. He also argues that if the Father knows, then the Son also knows in terms of the First Nature.31 Basil compares Matt 24:36 and Mark 13:32 and understands the texts differently. Since Basil’s text of Matthew omits οὐδες ὁ υἱός, and Mark omits μόνος, he reasoned that Mark meant something different from Matthew. He argued that the Son’s knowledge proceeds from the Father. He asserted that Matthew’s μόνος had reference only to the angels and that the Son was not included in the matter of ignorance.32 Chrysostom argues that the Son is not ignorant of anything, but said this only so the disciples would not pursue the question further.33

Ambrose interacts with the Arians’ citation of Matthew 24:36 by claiming that the ancient manuscripts do not contain οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός but the Arians added it in order to corrupt and falsify the passage. Ambrose completely ignores the fact that the words are in Mark 13:32 or believes that either the words are missing in Mark also or that Mark must be interpreted differently.34 Hilary goes to great lengths to prove that Christ was omniscient. He argued that Christ was simply accommodating himself to the language of man because he was also man. Therefore, in human terms, he does not know that which is not yet time to declare or that which is not worthy of his recognition.35 Finally, Augustine claimed that the Son’s ignorance is in reference to making other’s ignorant. In other words, since it was not yet time for Christ to reveal the time of his coming to the disciples, he thus professed “ignorance.”36 In a sense his argument is very similar to Hilary’s.

The Interpretation of εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ in Mark 13:32

It is apparent from the preceding discussion that several of the church fathers were interpreting εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ in Mark 13:32 differently from that of Matt 24:36. Matthew’s μόνος makes the interpretation of the εἰ μή clause as an absolute exception certain. But is it necessary to view it this way in Mark? While it is often observed in the grammars that the use of εἰ μή with the verb omitted means “except” or “but” and is considered a substitute for ἀλλά,37 this is not always the case. Εἰ μή conditionals are actually very ambiguous; therefore, two contextual assessments need to be made which will determine whether or not a translation of “except” or “but” for εἰ μή is adequate. First, the context must suggest that the author/speaker believes that the unnegated protasis is true. Second, the context must suggest that the author/speaker considers the unnegated protasis to be exclusively true in some way rather than simply preeminently true.38 If either of these things are not true, then the meaning of the author will be changed if such sentences are translated with “except” or “but.”

In preeminently true conditionals, the protasis does not name something that is an exception or exclusively true. Instead, it names something that is preeminently true. With these kinds of conditionals, a dynamic equivalent or periphrastic translation is often necessary to bring out the preeminently true sense of the conditionals. There are 27 instances of this type of conditional in the NT, but two examples will suffice.39

First, in Matt 11:27, after reproaching the cities that did not repent because of his signs and ministry, Jesus turns and thanks his Father for his wisdom concerning those he did draw to Jesus. He then invites the disciples and those around him to come to him for rest. The basis for his invitation is the mutual relationship between the Father and the Son, and the privilege of the Son to reveal the Father to others.40 Most English translations give the appearance that the Son is exclusively known by the Father. But certainly many people knew Jesus apart from the Father. While it is possible that ἐπιγινώσκει could refer to some “special” knowledge of the Son,41 that meaning would be difficult to prove here, especially since the parallel in Luke 10:22 uses γινώσκει. Romans 1:21 asserts that all men have some knowledge of God, and even here, some people can know the Father. It seems strange to claim that some people can have knowledge of the Father while only the Father can know the Son. This would make knowledge of the Son more obscure than knowledge of the Father.42 Since the conditional statements do not demand that the unnegated protases are exclusively true, it seems better to see them as preeminently true. The Father knows the Son preeminently, or better than anyone else, and the Son knows the Father preeminently, or better than anyone. Therefore, the Father is preeminently knowledgeable about the Son, and the preeminent source for knowledge of the Father is the Son.43

Second, in Matt 13:57 (Mark 6:4), when Jesus returns to Nazareth and teaches in the synagogue there, he is met with opposition. Jesus replies to their opposition with this statement: “A prophet is not without honor, if not in his hometown, and in his household” (οὐκ ἔστιν προφήτης ἄτιμος εἰ μὴ ἐν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ). This statement raises a couple of questions. First, does Jesus believe that the unnegated protasis is true (a prophet is without honor in his own hometown)? While he believes that it is true in his case and in the case of many prophets, it does not necessarily mean that it is true in every case. More than likely this is a proverbial statement, something that is usually true, but not necessarily true.44 So, Jesus is saying that it is usually true that a prophet is without honor in his hometown, not that a prophet cannot have honor in his hometown. Second, is the unnegated protasis exclusively true? In other words, the prophet must have honor everywhere else, except in his hometown. This is certainly false. Many prophets were not honored in most of the places they went. Jesus himself was rejected in many places outside his hometown. Therefore, this statement is saying that the prophet’s hometown is the preeminent place in which he is without honor. It is the first place a prophet can be expected to be rejected.45

This preeminent sense seems to be the way the church fathers are understanding Mark 13:32. This is especially clear in Basil. In a letter to Amphilochius,46 He specifically addresses the issue of Christ’s ignorance of the day and hour of the end and takes issue with the Anomoeans. His first argument is that οὐδείς is not necessarily inclusive of everyone in Scripture. His first example of this is Mark 10:18: “No one is good if not one, God” (οὐδεὶς ἀγαθὸς εἰ μὴ εἷς ὁ θεός). He argues that the Son is excluded in reference to these words and that it should be understood that this is a reference to the Father being the “first good” (τὸ πρῶτον ἀγαθόν), with the word “first” being understood (τὸ οὐδεὶς συνυπακουομένου τοῦ πρῶτος). He argues the same way with Matt 11:27, as we did above, only that he asserts that the Spirit is not charged with ignorance, but that Christ acknowledges that the knowledge of his own nature exists with the Father first. The Father has the first knowledge of the things present and future, and the statement in Matt 11:27 was indicating to all the First Cause. Thus, he clearly shows that the εἰ μή clauses were to be understood in a preeminent sense.

Basil next applies this understanding to Mark 13:32 in comparison with Matt 24:36. As noted above, he makes much of Matthew’s omission of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός and the absence of μόνος in Mark. He also capitalizes on John 10:15 (even as the Father knows Me, I also know the Father). He then recasts Mark 13:32 into a second class condition47 and argues that no one would know the day and the hour, not even the Son would have known, if the Father had not known. Thus, he argues that the Son derives all knowledge from the Father and the Father is the cause of his knowledge in everything.

Finally, Basil admits to Amphilochius at the beginning of the letter that his understanding of this issue and these passages was that which he learned from the fathers since his boyhood and that the issue had been examined by many. This strongly suggests that this understanding of the Mark 13:32 has been in the church for some time. Therefore, this understanding is probably also shared by Athanasius, Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose, and the other church fathers who entered into the Arian controversy. It seems most probable then that ancient scribes familiar with the preeminent understanding of εἰ μή clauses, desired to adopt that interpretation of Mark 13:32. However, knowing that μόνος in Matt 24:36 made this understanding impossible, they dropped οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός to harmonize it with their interpretation of Mark.48

Conclusion on Internal Evidence

It appears that internal evidence leans toward the inclusion of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός in Matt 24:36. First, scribes tended to conform Mark toward Matthew far more than Matthew to Mark. Second, scribes almost never conform Matthew’s softer language to Mark’s harsher statements, nor do they alter Mark to Matthew’s softer language. Third, in two places Mark 13:32 was conformed to Matt 24:36. Fourth, Matt 24:36 and Mark 13:32 were a hotbed of debate in the Arian controversies of the fourth century, and the omission οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός in Matthew was often used against the Arians. The fathers, then, understood Mark 13:32 differently from Matt 24:36. Finally, εἰ μή clauses can have a preeminent sense if the context so determines. It is clear that Basil understood Mark 13:32 in this way, and this is the most probable explanation for the understanding of this text by the other church fathers. The inclusion of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός is the harder reading and appears to better explain the rise of the omission. Internal evidence should probably rated a C.

Conclusion

External evidence clearly favors the inclusion of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός in Matt 24:36. The reading is represented by the best and earliest manuscripts in א and B. It has good geographical distribution among the versions and the Fathers, and it has good genealogical solidarity among the Alexandrian and Western texttypes. Internal evidence is a bit more difficult but the inclusion of the phrase is the harder reading. It also seems to be the better explanation for the rise of the omission because the scribes would be motivated by christological reasons to omit the phrase. There is evidence of this motivation in the church fathers in that they seem to interpret Mark 13:32 in a preeminent, rather than an exclusive sense. Also scribal harmonizations tend toward Matthew, and rarely is Matthew conformed to Mark’s harsher language. Overall, the decision concerning this conclusion should probably rated a C+.

Finally, it is more likely that Mark did intend 13:32 to be understood in an exclusive sense, and it is this sense that Matthew makes clear with the addition of μόνος. The attitude of the church fathers is understandable. They were still in the process of doctrinal development with respect to the Trinity and the hypostatic union. They wanted to defend Christ’s deity and still affirm his humanity. The continuing controversies with the Arians and their allies forced them to wrestle with the theology of these texts. And perhaps they were closer to the truth than they are currently given credit for. There may be some sense that Christ knew what the Father had planned for the final outcome. But Jesus had not yet completed his mission on earth. The time of his coming in glory is contingent upon the completion of his earthly mission. Until he experienced his death and resurrection, he could not really know the time of his return. He even had questions concerning the necessity of his death (cf. Matt 26:39-42; Mark 14:36; Luke 22:42). But upon his resurrection and ascension, both the fact and time of his coming became a certainty for Him.

Appendix I
Chart Of External Evidence

Reading #1

οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός

 

BYZANTINE

CAESAREAN

ALEXANDRIAN

WESTERN

OTHER

Papyri

 

 

 

 

 

Uncials

Θ- IX

 

*, - IV, B- IV

D- V

2vid

Minuscules

1505- 1084

f13 XI-XV, 28- XI

 

 

 

Lectionaries

 

 

 

 

l 5471⁄2- XIII

Versions

eth- VI

 

arm- V

geo- V

 

ita, aur, b, c, d, (e), f, ff1, ff2, h, q, r1 - IV-VII

vgmss-IV-V

 

Church Fathers

Diatesarm-IV

Chrys- IV

Hesych- V

 

Orlat- III

Epiph- IV

Dydimus- IV

Cyril- V

Irenlat- II

Hilary- IV

Ambrose- IV

Latin MSSacc. to Jerome- IV

Aug- IV-V

Varimad- V

 

Reading #2

omit

 

BYZANTINE

CAESAREAN

ALEXANDRIAN

WESTERN

OTHER

Papyri

 

 

 

 

 

Uncials

E- VIII, F- IX

G- IX, H- IX

K- IX, M- IX, N- VI, S- 949 U- IX, V- IX, W- V, Γ-X

Δ- IX, P-IX,

Σ- VI

 

L- VIII

 

1

Minuscules

180- XII

205-XV

597- XIII

700- XI

1006- XI

1010- XII

1292- XIII

1424- IX-X

Byz- IX-XV

f1- XII-XIV

565-IX

579- XIII

33- IX

892- IX

 

 

157- 1122

1071- XII

1241- XII

1243- XI

1342-XIII-XIV

 

Lectionaries

Lect- IX-XVI

 

 

 

 

Versions

syrp, h- V-VI

geoA- VIII-IX

copsa, meg, bo- III

itg1, l- VIII-IX vg- IV-V

syrs- II-III

 

Church Fathers

Basil- IV

Greg Nys- IV

 

Origen- III

Athan- IV

Didymusdub- IV

Greek MSSacc. to Jerome- IV

Greek MSSacc. to Ambrose- IV Jerome- IV-V

Phoebad- IV

Pailinus-Nola- V

 

Appendix II
Table Of Matthew/Mark Scribal Harmonizations

Passage

Harmonized to

MSS

Change

Matt 10:42

Mark 9:41

D

Adds ὕδατος

Matt 13:55

Mark 6:3

K, L, W, Δ, 0106, f13

᾿Ιωσήφ to ᾿Ιωσής

Matt 14:22

Mark 6:45

B, K P Θ, f13

Add αὐτοῦ

Matt 14:24

Mark 6:47

, C, L, W, Δ, O73, 0106, f1, Ï; D

Several variants; see apparatas

Matt 15:36

Mark 8:6

C, L, W, Ï

Add αὐτοῦ

Matt 16:13

Mark 8:27

D,E, F, G, H, L, O, Δ, Σ, Θ, f1, f13, Ï

Add μέ

Matt 17:21

Mark 9:29

2, C, D, L, W, Δ, f1, f13, Ï

Add the words from Mark 9:29

Matt 19:7

Mark 10:4

, D, L, Z, Θ, f1

Omits αὐτήν

Matt 19:16

Mark 10:17

C, E, F, G, H, W, Θ, Σ, Δ, f13, Ï

Add ἀγαθέ

Matt 19:17

Mark 10:18

C,  E, F, G, H, W, Δ, Σ, f13, Ï

Substitutes the words from Mark 10:18

Matt 20:17

Mark 10:32

, D, L, Z, Θ, f1, f13

Omits μαθητάς

Matt 20:22

Mark 10:38

C, E, F, G, H, K, M, O, U, V, W, X, Γ, Δ, Π, Σ, Φ, 0197, Ï

Add the words from Mark 10:38

Matt 20:30

Mark 10:47

, L, N, Σ, Θ, f13

Add ᾿Ιησοῦ

Matt 21:39

Mark 12:8

D, Θ

Order conformed to Mark’s

Matt 22:23

Mark 12:18

2,  E, F, G, H, K, L, O, Σ, Θ, f13

Add article before λέγοντες

Matt 22:32

Mark 12:27

, D, W

Article omitted.

Matt 23:13

Mark 12:40

E, F, G, H, O, W, Σ, 0102, 0107, 0233, f13, Ï

Add Mark 12:40

Matt 24:36

Mark 13:32

*, 2, B, D, Θ, f13

Add οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός,?

Matt 27:46

Mark 15:34

, B, 33

Changed to ᾿ελωϊ

Mark 1:8

Matt 3:1

A, D, E, F, G,  L, P, W, Σ, f3, f13, Ï

Add ἐν

Mark 1:11

Matt 3:17

, D

Omit ἐγένετο

Mark 1:29

Matt 8:14

B, D, W, Σ, Θ, f1, f13

Changes participle and verb to the singular.

Mark 2:16

Matt 9:11

, C, L, Δ, f13

Add ὁ διδάσκαλος ὑμῶν

Mark 2:22

Matt 9:17

, A, C, D, E, F, G, H, L, W, Δ, Σ, Θ, f1, f13, Ï

Adds ἐκχεῖται

Mark 2:22

Matt 9:17

W

Adds βάλλουσί

Mark 2:26

Matt 12:4

D, W

Omit reference to Abiathar

Mark 5:1

Matt 8:28

A, C, E, F, G, H, Σ, f13, Ï

Changed to Γαδαρηνῶν

Mark 6:3

Matt 13:55

Ì45, Σ, f13, 33

Assimilated to τοῦ τέκτονο ὑιός και

Mark 6:39

Matt14:19

, B, Θ, O187

Changed to the active to the passive ἀνακλιθῆναι

Mark 6:41

Mat 14:19

, B, L, Δ, 0187, 33

Omit αὐτοῦ

Mark 7:24

Matt 15:21

, A, B, E, F, G, H, N, Σ, f1, f13, 33, Ï

Add καὶ Σιδῶνος

Mark 7:28

Matt 15:27

, A, B, E, F, G, H, L, N, Δ, Σ, 0274, f1, 33, Ï

Add ναί

Mark 8:10

Matt 15:39

D, D2, W, Σ

Change μέρη to ὅρια

Mark 8:10

Matt 15:39

D, D2, Θ, f1, f13

Change Δαλμανουθά to Μαγδάλα or Μελεγάδα

Mark 8:15

Matt 16:6

Ì45, C, 0131, f13

Add καί

Mark 8:16

Matt 16:7

A, C, L, Θ,0131, f13, Ï

Add λέγοντες

Mark 8:16

Matt 16:7

, A, C, L, Θ, f13, Ï

Change 3rd per to 1st per.

Mark 9:42

Matt 18:6

A, B, C2, E, F, G, H, L, N, W, Θ, Σ, Ψ, f1, f13, Ï

Add εἰς ἐμέ

Mark 10:1

Matt 19:1

C2, D, G, W, Δ, Θ, Σc, f1, f13

Omit καί

Mark 10:2

Matt 19:3

, A, B, C, E, F, G, H, K, L, N, W, Γ, Δ, Θ, Σ, Ψ, f1, f13, Ï

Add προσελθόντες φαρισαῖοι or some variation

Mark 10:7

Matt 19:5

A, C, D, E, F, G, H,  L, N, W, Δ, Σ, Θ, f1, f13, Ï

Add the rest of the citation from Gen 2:24 as in Matt

Mark 10:19

Matt 19:18

B, W, Δ, Σ, Ψ, f1, f13

Omit μὴ ἀποστεπήσης

Mark 10:34

Matt 20:19

A, E, F, G, H, N, W, Θ, Σ, 0233, f1, f13

Change to τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμvερᾳ

Mark 10:40

Matt 20:23

*,2, Θ, f1

Add ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός μου

Mark 11:24

Matt 21:22

D, Θ, f1

Changed to λημvψεσθε

Mark 11:26

Matt 6:15

A, C, D, E, F, G, H, N, Θ, Σ, 0233, f1, f13, 33, Ï

Add Matt 6:15

Mark 13:22

Matt 24:24

, A, B, C, E, F, G, H, K, L, W, X, Δ, Π, Σ, Ψ, 0235, f1, Ï

δώσουσιν for ποιήσουσιν?

Mark 13:32

Matt 24:36

, D, W, Θ, f1, f13

replaces ἤ τῆς with καί

Mark 13:32

Matt 24:36

Δ, Θ, Φ

Add μόνος

Mark 14:4

Matt 26:8

D, Θ

οἱ μαθηταὶ αυτοῦ for τινες

Mark 14:25

Matt 26:29

, C, D, L, W, Ψ

Omits οὐκέτι

Mark 14:30

Matt 26:34

, C, D, W

Omits δίς

Mark 14:65

Matt 26:68

W, Δ, Θ, f13, 33

Add τίς ἐστvιν ο παίσας σε with minor variations

Mark 14:68

Matt 26:71

, B, L, W, Ψ

Omit καὶ ἀλέκτωρ ἐφώνησεν

Mark 14:72

Matt 26:74

, C, L

Omit ἐκ δευτέρου

Mark 14:72

Matt 26:75

, A, C

Change ἐκλαίεν to ἐκλαύσεν

Mark 15:10

Matt 27:18

B, f1

Omit οἱ ἀρχιειρεῖς

Mark 15:12

Matt 27:22

, B, C, W, Δ, Ψ, f1, 13, 33

Omit θέλετε

Mark 15:12

Matt 27:21

A, D, E, F, G, H, N, Θ, Σ, 0250, Ï

Add θέλετε; alternative to the omission

Mark 15:25

Matt 27:36

D

ἐφυλάσσον instead of ἐσταύρωσαν

Mark 15:34

Matt 27:46

A, C, E, F, G, H, P, Δ, Θ, f1, f13, 33, Ï

Reverse order of ἐγκατέλιπες με

Mark 15:39

Matt 27:50

A, C, D, E, G, H, N, Δ, 0233, f1, f13, 33, Ï

Include κράξας

 


1 Mark 13:32 has ἢ τῆς (Å D W Θ f1 f13 157 pm it syrs, p sa bopt read καί) instead of καί, ἐν οὐρανῷ instead of τῶν οὐρανῶν, and lacks μόνος (Δ Θ Φ 13. 565 pc sa bopt add μόνος). These differences can be significant in determining which passage the church fathers are quoting. Of these three differences the reflection of μόνος should be the deciding factor. The reflection of καί is virtually negligible since the church fathers usually reflect καί rather than ἢ τῆς even when its clear the father is citing Mark 13:32. Note that these differences have been virtually ignored in Alexander Roberts, & James Donaldson, eds., Ante-Nicene Fathers, vols. 1-10  (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1867-72; reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994); Philip Schaff, ed., Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, First Series, vols. 1-14 (New York: Christian Literature, 1886-90; reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994); Philip Schaff, & Henry Wace, eds., Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, vols. 1-14 (New York: Christian Literature, 1890-1900; reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994) despite the fact that the editors and translators were aware of the textual problem.

2 Adversus haereses 2.28.6 omits the reference to the angels, οὐδὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν οὐρανῶν. Irenaeus may be quoting from memory.

3 De Principiis 198E.2.6.1.139.17

4 Ancoratus 22.4.3; Panerion 3.165; 3.191.8

5 Commentarii in Zacharian 5.78.6 (οὐτέ instead of οὐδέ)

6 Responsiones ad Tiberium diaconum sociosque suos 583.19; Trin. 75.20.57; 75.368.46; 75.377.34t

7 Hom. Matt. 77.1. Chrysostom omits μόνος but retains τῶν οὐρανῶν. It may be that he actually has Mark 13:32 in mind even though the homily is on Matt 24:32-36.

8 Trin. 1.29; 9.2, 58 all reflect ἐν οὐρανῷ rather than τῶν οὐρανῶν. He also may be quoting from memory. Whether he has Matt 24:36 or Mark 13:32 is another question. Because he reflects Matthew’s μόνος, it is more likely that he unconsciously assimilated Matthew to Mark.

9 Fid. Grat. 5.5.192 also reflects ἐν οὐρανῷ rather than τῶν οὐρανῶν.

10 Enarrationes in Psalmos 38.6.1.9

11 Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei 590.4.591

12 It is possible that the Latin text of Origen represents the Caesarean textttype, which would make the distribution over three regions. If Chrysostom is referring to Matt 24:36, then the distribution is in the fourth century over all four regions.

13 Disputatio contra Arium 26.472.52. This text is supposedly a report of Athanasius’ debates with the Arians at the council of Nicea. document is most likely spurious because Athanasius was only a deacon under Alexander, bishop of Alexander, and it is unlikely that he would have even been given the opportunity to speak, much less have a long-winded debate with Arius. It is even disputed that Athanasius was even at the Council of Nicea.

14 Trin. 39.917.8. The text also has ἢ τῆς instead of καί.

15 Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei 590.4.590

16 Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei 590.4.591

17 Fid. Grat. 5.5.192

18 Adversus Arium et Sabellium de patre et filio 3.76.26. His text reads: Οὐδεὶς οἶδὲ τὴν συντελεστικὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τὴν ὥραν, οὐδ᾿ οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν οὐρανῶν οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός, ἐν τοὶς κατὰ Μάρκον εἰρημένοις, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατὴρ μόνος… Gregory cites Matthew but attributes οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός to Mark.

19 Epistula 236.28.

20 Again, if Origen’s text is Caesarean, then the distribution is early over all four regions.

21 While υἱός and πατήρ commonly are denoted with nomina sacra, both Codex Sinaiticus and Vaticanus spell the terms out; therefore, their example is followed.

22 The first corrector drew a line over oudeouios to denote that he believed the phrase should not be present. The second corrector apparently attempted to erase the line to show his judgment.

23 cf. Daniel B. Wallace, “The Greek New Testament according to the Majority Text: A Review Article,” GTJ 4, no. 1 (Spring 1983): 125. See also Henry Alford, Revised by Everett F. Harrison, The Greek New Testament, vol  1 (Chicago: Moody Press, 1958), 245; W. C. Allen, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Gospel according to S. Matthew, 3rd ed., ICC, ed. S. R. Driver, A. Plummer, & C. A. Briggs  (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1912), 260; Alfred Plummer, An Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel according to St. Matthew (London: Robert Scott, 1915; reprint, Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1982), 339.

24 See Craig L. Blomberg, Matthew, NAC, ed. David S. Dockery, vol. 22 (Nashville: Broadman, 1992), 365; Frederick Dale Bruner, Matthew: The Churchbook: Matthew 13-28, vol. 2 (Dallas: Word, 1990), 879-80; D. A. Carson, “Matthew,” in EBC, ed. Frank E. Gabelein, vol. 8 (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1984), 508; W. D. Davies, and Dale C. Allison, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Gospel according to Matthew, vol.3, XIX-XXVIII, ICC, ed.  J. A. Emerton and C. E. B. Cranfield (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997), 377; Robert H. Gundry, Matthew: A Commentary on His Handbook for a Mixed Church under Persecution, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994), 491-92; Donald A. Hagner, Matthew 14-28, WBC, ed. David A. Hubbard and Glenn W. Barker, vol. 33B (Dallas: Word, 1995), 709.

25 Blomberg, Matthew, 365 argues that it was omitted by scribes with a docetic christology.

26 Apparently, Metzger believes οὐδὲοὐδὲ…must be a correlative pair. But this is not at all necessary. Matthew uses the single οὐδέ with the meaning “not even” in several places (6:28; 21:32; 25:45; 27:14). It also makes good theological sense because it was commonly believed that God kept counsel with the holy angels, although he did not necessarily reveal the hour of Israel’s deliverance (4 Ezra 4:52; b. Sanh.99a). Curiously, Carson, “Matthew,” 508 believes that Metzger’s grammatical argument is the strongest for the inclusion, although he does not explain why.

27 The table records probable scribal harmonizations between Matthew and Mark. These are not all the possible harmonizations, but it does include most of probable ones that involve the major manuscripts.

28 See footnote 1.

29 Athanasius, Orationes contra Arianios 3.28.42-50.

30 Athanasius, Disputatio contra Arium 27.473.52-54.

31 Gregory of Nazianzus, De filio 30.4.15-16.

32 Basil, Epistula 236.

33 John Chrysostom, Hom. Matt. 77.1.

34 Ambrose, Fid. Grat. 5.5.192.

35 Hilary of Poitiers, Trin. 9.58-66.

36 Augustine, Trin. 1.12.

37 BDF §448.8; A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1934), 1024-25; M. Zerwick, Biblical Greek Illustrated by Examples, 4th ed. (trans. Joseph Smith: Rome: Pontificii Istituti Biblici, 1963), §468-71.

38 For further discussion of εἰ μή clauses see Charles E. Powell, “The Semantic Relationship between the Protasis and the Apodosis of New Testament Conditional Constructions” (Ph.D. diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 2000), 180-207; “Εἰ Μή Clauses in the New Testament: Interpretation and Translation” (paper presented at the national annual meeting of ETS, 2000), 1-17.

39 Other examples include Matt 12:39; 15:24; 16:4; Luke 11:29; John 3:13; 10:10; Rom 7:7; 13:8; 1 Cor 1:14; 2:2; 12:3, 5, 13; Gal 1:7; Eph 4:8; 1 John 2:22; Rev 2:17; 14:3; 19:12.

40 Πάντα μοι παρεδόθη ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός μου, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐπιγινώσκει τὸν υἱὸν εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ, οὐδὲ τὸν πατέρα τις ἐπιγινώσκει εἰ μὴ ὁ υἱὸς καὶ ᾧ ἐὰν βούληται ὁ υἱὸς ἀποκαλύψαι. All things have been handed over to me by My Father; and no one knows the Son, except the Father; nor does anyone know the Father, except the Son, and anyone to whom the Son wills to reveal him.

41 Donald A. Hagner, Matthew 1-13, WBC, ed. David A. Hubbard and Glenn W. Barker, vol. 33A (Dallas: Word, 1993), 320.

42 Several scholars recognize the tension and argue that it is a deep, intimate knowledge between the Father and the Son that is exclusive. While this is close to the point, it still suffers from the assumption that εἰ μή must mean “except.” See Leon Morris, The Gospel according to Matthew, Pillar Commentary  (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1992), 293-94; John Nolland, Luke 9:21–18:34, WBC, ed. Glenn A. Hubbard (Dallas: Word Books, 1993),  273-75.

43 J. K. Baima, “Making Valid Conclusions from Greek Conditional Sentences” (Th.M. thesis: Grace Theological Seminary, 1986), 64-65.

44 Morris, Matthew, 366-67.

45 Baima, “Making Valid Inferences,” 62-63.

46 Basil, Epistula 236.

47 The text reads περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἢ ὥρας οὐδεὶς οἶδεν, οὔτε οἱ ἄγγελοι τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀλλ᾿' οὐδ᾿ ἄν ὁ Υἰός ἒγνω, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ. By adding ἀλλά and  ἄν ἔγνω to the apodosis, the implied verb in the protasis is then understood to be ἔγνω rather than οἶδεν.

48 The reason they chose to drop οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός rather than μόνος may be to preserve Matthew’s style of using μόνος, especially in εἰ μή clauses in the exclusive sense. See Matt 12:4; 17:8; 21:19. The reasons for the omission of οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός in Mark 13:32 by X and a few other Greek MSS may be either accidental, or due to theological motivation because of not being familiar with the preeminent understanding of εἰ μή clauses, or possibly due to harmonizing the text to Matt 24:36, since more than likely those manuscripts did not include the phrase there either.

Related Topics: Textual Criticism

Charismata and the Authority of Personal Experience

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This is part of a series of occasional short essays from the "Professor's Soap Box."  It is not intended to be a detailed exposition; rather, it is meant to give you food for thought and to challenge some popular ideas.

Introduction

Have you noticed the rise in psychic "hotlines" and TV shows nowadays?  Five years ago, it would have been difficult to find even a psychic commercial on TV.  Now, there are several half-hour infomercials, aired almost round the clock. 

Have you also noticed New Age music cropping up here and there, not to mention the infiltration of Eastern Mysticism into the West, and increased UFO sightings (not to mention TV programs about them)?  How about the rise of "what's in it for me" attitudes, a morality of convenience, and a market-driven society (i.e., making a living as an end in itself)?  While we're at it, we could add the increasing denial of absolute truth by most Americans--even though a large proportion claim to be evangelical Christians, the prioritizing of relevance over truth, of pragmatics over knowledge, of feelings over beliefs.  Al Franken, of Saturday Night Live fame, some years ago epitomized what we are seeing with his self-serving commentary (he humorously suggested that this decade should be labeled the "Al Franken" decade). 

A New Kind of Charismatic

Part and parcel of this phenomenon is the rising popularity of charismatic Christianity--especially among those who had never been attracted to the charismatic movement before.  Specifically, the Pentecostal/charismatic movement historically has roots in Wesleyan theology and practice.  In other words, it has historically been associated with Arminian theology.  The reason for this is not immediately obvious, but can be seen through a variety of connections. Arminianism teaches, among other things, that a person once saved can lose his salvation.  Hence, Arminians put a strong emphasis on moral duty, as well as spiritual experiences, as the continued confirmation that one is still saved.  It is a natural extension from this stance that the test by which a person knows he is saved is various manifestations of the Spirit.  Thus the craving for supernatural experiences is both endemic to the charismatic mindset and necessary as continued confirmation of salvation.

But this craving for confirmation is not the motivation of many who have become charismatics in the last few years.  Indeed, what is unusual about the current popularity of the charismatic movement, principally the Vineyard form, is that has attracted many Calvinists as well as many well-trained scholars.  Every year at the Evangelical Theological Society meetings1 I learn of a few more professors of theology who have joined the ranks of the Vineyard movement.  Often, the response of colleagues when they find out about one these theologians is one of astonishment: "No! Not him!  I never would have expected him to become a charismatic!"

Cognitive Christianity
and the Impoverished Soul

Why are scholars suddenly becoming charismatics?  What has happened in the last few years to attract the intelligentsia to this group?

We can give both a short answer and a long one.  The short answer is that many Christian scholars have for a long time embraced a Christianity that is almost exclusively "from the neck up."  That is, theirs is a cognitive faith, one where reason reigns supreme.  They are usually fine exegetes and theologians, able to defend the faith and articulate their views in a coherent, biblical, profound, and logical way.  But (without naming names) many of these savants have lost their love for Christ.  They love the Bible and know it inside and out.  But their soul has become impoverished.  They love God with their mind only; that is the extent of their spiritual obligation as they see it.  In fact, for them, personal experience--especially of a charismatic sort--is anathema.  It has no place in the Christian life.  Study of the Bible so that they can control the text is what the Christian life is all about.

But when crisis comes--such as the death of a loved one, a teenage daughter's pregnancy, or some major upheaval in their church ministries--their answers appear shallow and contrived, both to others and themselves.  They have the inability to hurt with the hurting, though they know all the right verses on suffering!  They begin to search for answers themselves, answers of an entirely different sort.  Often, in the crucible of the crisis, they attend a charismatic meeting.  And there, a "prophet" reveals something about their life.  They are both amazed at the prophecy and deeply touched at the perception into their own condition.  (Of course, cognitive types almost always marvel when other, more sensitive people, intuitively recognize traits and characteristics, internal workings and struggles in others.)  Their souls get drenched with an emotional infusion that had been quenched for too long.  It doesn't take long before they hold hands with those whom they used to oppose, even to the point of now leading charismatic groups.  They in fact become the theologians of a new breed of charismatic, giving a rather sophisticated rationale for charismata.  In the process, they have gone through a paradigm shift: their final authority is no longer reasoning about the Scriptures; now it is personal experience. 

Because of a crisis, personal, spiritual experience has replaced reason as the authority that guides their lives.  They have exchanged, in some measure, their heart for their mind.2  That's the short answer.

The Age of Epistemological Narcissism

The long answer is this.  The history of the Church and indeed of western civilization, in terms of authority, can be traced out rather simply.3  Before the Reformation, tradition was the final authority.  This included the tradition of the Roman Catholic Church and all its trappings.  When that pesky little German monk, Martin Luther, nailed his ninety-five theses to the door of the Wittenberg church, a new authority was boldly announced: revelation.  Actually, it was an old authority, but one which Luther and later Calvin, Zwingli, Melanchthon, and a host of others, argued had been subverted to tradition by the Church in Rome.  The Reformation's battle cry was sola scriptura--that is, Scripture alone is our authority.  The Roman Church argued that we needed tradition, especially the interpretations offered by church fathers, in order to understand Scripture.  This was so, they argued, because the Bible could not be easily grasped.  The Reformers argued for the perspicuity of Scripture--that it was sufficiently clear to be a good guide in essential matters, such as the person of Christ, the Trinity, salvation.  In order to prove the point they needed to exercise reason.  New hermeneutical methods were developed, translations were made, commentaries were written.  All of this was consistent with the view that the Bible should be clearly understood.  The Reformers knew it to be so in their study; they wanted to make it so for the person in the pew.

As long as reason was the handmaid of revelation, there was no problem.  But once reason became master, revelation was increasingly viewed as unnecessary and, in fact, untrue.  With the birth of the Enlightenment came the promise of a new king.  He would soon reign over virtually all human thought in the western world.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the Enlightenment had so captured the evangelical community that the Bible became more an object of study than a guide to life.  Seminaries in this century followed largely the Princeton model (a strongly Calvinist school) of reasoning about the Scriptures.  Pastors were trained to expound the text of Scripture--and this came to mean explain the text, but not apply the text.  Too many seminaries viewed one's exegetical and theological skills as the lone spiritual barometer.  There was no accountability of one's life.  Whether one believed the Bible and consequently tried to shape his life by its precepts was often not in view. 

The problem with this model was that non-evangelical scholars could also do first-rate exegesis.  Many of these non-evangelical savants would be considered nonbelievers: besides rejecting the Bible as the Word of God, they did not embrace the bodily resurrection of Christ or, sometimes, even the existence of God.  Hence, if quality exegesis was an indicator of spirituality, then an atheist might be considered spiritual!  The barometer of mere knowledge obviously has its defects, for without belief there is no life.  Cognition is important for true biblical scholarship; but without conversion as a first step, such is certainly not evangelical biblical scholarship.  Further, this approach trickled down to the pew: for many churches, even today, mere Bible knowledge, regardless of its application to one's life, is equated with true spirituality.  Reason has come to reign over revelation even for evangelicals. 

With the advent of postmodernism, reason has increasingly become passé.  It's not necessarily that reason is rejected as untrue; rather, it is judged to be irrelevant. So what authority is left?  What authority remains after tradition, revelation, and reason have all been abandoned?  Personal experience. Ours is the age of epistemological narcissism.  This is no longer the age of cogito ergo sum ("I think; therefore, I am"—the hallmark of Cartesian logic); it has become the age of sentio ergo sum ("I feel; therefore, I am").  And since there are no external standards by which to judge personal experience (since other authorities are rejected), anything goes--whether it be sensuality or hallucinogenic existence, full-blown mysticism or an uncritical embracing of supernatural phenomena from any and all corners.

So, how does the current charismatic movement fit into this?  Why are so many intellectuals embracing the charismata?  It seems that the vacuum left in their souls by a rationalistic faith has made them ripe for a different kind of authority.  As sons of the Enlightenment, these cognitive scholars have embraced reason as the supreme authority in their lives.  But the rationalism of the Enlightenment is, when unbridled, antithetical to revelation.  These scholars viewed personal experience as the enemy of the gospel, while embracing reason as its friend.  But when some crisis invades their lives, and their purely cognitive faith cannot supply the deepest answers (for it does not address the whole man), they have to find the answers some place.  And they look to an entirely different authority.  They are ripe for excess in one area, just as they had lived in excess in another.  Ironically, they end up mirroring the present age of postmodernism, just as they had mirrored the past one of rationalism.

In reality, both personal experience and reason are part of proper human existence.  Like fire, they can be used for good or evil.  When they take on the role of supreme authority, consciously or not, they destroy.4  "I know" and "I feel" must bow to "I believe."  (When either one is elevated above revelation it produces arrogance.)  The cognitive content of that belief is the revealed Word of God.  It requires diligent study to grasp its meaning as fully as mere humans can grasp it.  But it will not be believed unless there is a personal experience with the Risen One.  Thus, the trilogy of authority can be seen this way: both personal experience and reason are vital means to accessing revelation.  We are to embrace Christ, as revealed in the Word, with mind and heart.5  When either reason or experience attempts to escape the supreme sovereignty of the revealed Christ, the individual believer starts down a path of imbalance.  Tragically, his service to the Lord Christ is thereby increasingly curtailed.6


1 The Evangelical Theological Society is a group of evangelical leaders, principally professors at seminaries and evangelical colleges.  Full membership requires subscription to a minimal core of doctrines and a Th.M. (Master of Theology) degree or its equivalent.

2 This does not mean that these scholars no longer use their brains!  But it does mean, for many of them, that reason is subordinated to personal experience in an epistemological hierarchy.

3 I owe the framework of the "long answer" to Dr. Bob Pyne, professor of Systematic Theology at Dallas Seminary.  He is not to be blamed for the details, however!

4 Most charismatics today would argue that their personal experiences are fully subordinate to revelation.  But most cognitive Christians would also argue that reason for them is subordinate to revelation.

5 Thus far I have left tradition out of the equation.  This is, however, something of an overstatement.  In reality, most of us employ tradition as a conduit to another authority.  Often we are unaware of the tradition's influence.  Those in Bible churches worship in a way quite different from those in more liturgical settings; Koreans worship in a way that is markedly different from African-Americans.  And a given group may tacitly assume that somehow its worship style is the right one, or that others are wrong because they are different.  The difference between evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics with reference to tradition is that evangelical Protestants generally feel more at liberty (and more responsible) to question their tradition, and to change it in line with what they perceive is the biblical norm.  In other words, they are able, when it is brought to the conscious level, to subordinate tradition to revelation.

6 You will notice that I have not in this paper given any arguments against the charismatic movement.   This paper is instead intended to set the stage, giving a rationale for why so many are flocking toward this kind of Christianity.  In later papers we will address specific charismatic arguments.  Suffice it say here that our thesis should be clear: What is endemic to the modern charismatic movement is an elevation of personal experience above revelation as final authority.

Related Topics: Spiritual Gifts, Tongues

The Church in Crisis: A Postmodern Reader

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The evangelical church is in a crisis today. Some see it as teetering on a precipice, its demise merely decades away unless severe counter-measures are taken. The overt pragmatism, separation of “religious truth” from “real truth,” and marginalization of the Lordship of Christ and the authority of scripture are a large part of the reason for this crisis. At bottom, the church has moved to the back of the intellectual bus by elevating personal experience as the ultimate measure of truth. All of this is playing into the hands of the god of this world. A growing number of evangelical (and even non-evangelical and non-Christian) voices are being raised against such cultural forces, asking us to return to a worldview that is more balanced. Too many Christians are either unaware of their assimiliation into culture or else do not have ready access to viewpoints that sufficiently counter it. This all-too-brief reading list is offered as a partial corrective, in hopes that some in the church today will begin to read—and in hopes that some believers who have material wealth may see the great need to help fund large projects that cultivate the life of the mind.

The following annotated bibliography addresses issues related to postmodernism. Some of the works are more general, pointing to the larger issues of epistemology (how we know), common sense vs. political correctness, the life of the mind, and the authority of scripture in guiding our lives. But all of these books address a common theme: culture and its adverse impact today. This is not to say that culture has only a negative impact (although one or two of the authors seem to think this!), but it is to say that much of culture has a negative impact and that the Church, more than any other group, should be wary of such. As Paul told the Romans long ago, “Do not become conformed to this age, but be transformed by the renewing of your mind” (Rom 12:2). The ten books are listed in recommended reading order.

(1) Moreland, J. P. Love Your God with All Your Mind. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997.

Moreland is professor of philosophy at Talbot Seminary. In this book he gives biblical, theological, historical, and philosophical reasons why Christians need to begin to think again. Two quotations at the beginning of the book (p. 19) summarize well what it’s about:

R. C. Sproul: “We live in what may be the most anti-intellectual period in the history of Western civilization. . . . We must have passion—indeed hearts on fire for the things of God. But that passion must resist with intensity the anti-intellectual spirit of the world.”

1980 Gallup Poll on Religion: “We are having a revival of feelings but not of the knowledge of God. The church today is more guided by feelings than by convictions. We value enthusiasm more than informed commitment.”

(2) Packer, J. I. Truth and Power: The Place of Scripture in the Christian Life. Wheaton: Shaw, 1996.

Although the lightest reading in this list, Packer’s insights, synthesis, and compelling wit argue that the Word of God needs to have a higher role in the Church than it has been having of late.

(3) Noll, Mark. The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994.

Noll is an evangelical historian who has done a blistering critique of the evangelical mind. He traces how the evangelical mind has gone to seed in the last two hundred years. “The scandal of the evangelical mind is that there is not much of an evangelical mind” (p. 3). This is must reading for those who need a vision of where to give of their financial resources.

(4) Wells, David. No Place for Truth (Or Whatever Happened to Evangelical Theology). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993.

Rather than describe the book, allow me to quote Os Guinness in his appraisal of it:

“Wells’s trenchant analysis is a devastating CAT scan of American evangelicalism. Unless it is responded to as well as read, the diagnosis might as well be a postmortem, for evangelicalism has no future if this condition is not remedied. Evangelicalism can only remain evangelical if it is passionately serious about truth and theology.”

(5) Wells, David. God in the Wasteland: The Reality of Truth in a World of Fading Dreams. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994.

This book is the counterpart to No Place for Truth (a book that Albert Moehler called the “bomb that exploded on the playground of evangelicals”). In the former book, Wells reveals the sickness of soul that is modern evangelicalism. In this book, he offers his solution.

(6) Bloom, Allan. The Closing of the American Mind. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987.

The insightful polemic against the soul of the American university today by a premiere political science professor at the University of Chicago. Although Bloom covers several topics, a large portion is dedicated to the “liberal” agenda of political correctness (“liberal” is in quotation marks because a true liberal is far more open-minded than today’s liberal is). This is an important book if for no other reason than to show us what culture is switftly becoming.

(7) Carson, D. A. The Gagging of God. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996.

A 640-page tome from Research Professor of New Testament at Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, this book offers a strong biblical and logical critique of pluralism, with its basic tenet of relativism. Carson argues that Christ is the only way that one can come to a saving knowledge of God—a case that needs increasingly to be made today.

(8) Hirsch, Jr., E. D. Cultural Literacy. New York: Vintage, 1988.

Like Allan Bloom, Hirsch has been a necessary thorn in the side of American academia for several decades now. In this book he takes on Dewey’s educational philosophy that has become the ruin of real learning in this century. Dewey, the father of American education, essentially applied Darwinian evolution to education; he assumed the basic goodness of mankind as well as its inevitable progression. Though not a Christian, Hirsch is one of the chief advocates today of laying a cognitive foundation if real learning is to take place. This is decidedly against today’s norm of heightened individuality, process as supplanting content, and right-brain creativity as vital while left-brain logic and cognitive skills are marginalized. (If I may add a personal note: Christian education, as taught in our seminaries, is largely Deweyistic without being self-conscious of it [after all, those who teach CE typically earn their doctorates at secular universities—doctorates that are strong in educational implementation and weak in the philosophy that drives such]. Thus, ironically, the Church is helping to promote its own destruction at the hands of relativistic tolerance and expression.)

(9) Armstrong, John, editor. The Coming Evangelical Crisis: Current Challenges to the Authority of Scripture and the Gospel. Chicago: Moody, 1996.

This is a collection of essays that pinpoints several key issues facing the evangelical church today. In many respects, it is a call to return to the core values of the Reformers. Although overdone in parts, its battle cry of sola scriptura is one that again needs heeding, for the evangelical church is quickly slipping from this strong anchor.

(10) Ingraffia, Brian D. Postmodern Theory and Biblical Theology: Vanquishing God’s Shadow. Cambridge: University Press, 1995.

Clearly the most scholarly of the books on this list (being Ingraffia’s doctoral dissertation), this book is not for the light of heart! The author shows that some of the catalysts of postmodernism are found in writers such as Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Derrida. “He demonstrates how any attempted reconciliation between contemporary critical theory and biblical theology is radically misguided” (from the preface). Though a Christian (he’s a professor at Biola University), Ingraffia’s work has sufficiently compelling force and wide enough appeal to be published by Cambridge University Press.

Related Topics: Apologetics, Introduction to Theology, Library and Resources

Did Priscilla “Teach” Apollos? An Examination of the Meaning of ἐκτίθημι in Acts 18:26

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In some of the debates over the role of women in ministry nowadays, much is made of Priscilla teaching Apollos in Acts 18:26. It is often said that since Priscilla taught Apollos, 1 Tim 2:12 cannot mean that women may not teach men. Several assumptions are underneath this supposition, not the least of which is that “explained” in Acts 18:26 has every bit as much force as “teach” in 1 Tim 2:12. This assumption will be examined in this paper.

Primary Literature

The verb ἐκτίθημι is used only by Luke in the NT, and only in Acts (Acts 7:21; 11:4; 18:26; 28:23). The word is actually somewhat of a vanilla term, basically meaning “lay out,” or “expose.” It can be used in various contexts, but in collocation with information being passed on it tends to be restricted to simple explanation without concomitant urging or rhetorical persuasiveness. Thus, in Acts 11:4, Peter simply lays out the details of his visit to Joppa. This relating of the historical narrative occurs through v. 15 or perhaps v. 16. Then, Peter summarizes with the question in v. 17, “If God therefore gave to them the same gift as he gave to us also after believing in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I that I could stand in God’s way?” This question is not a part of the explanation, but moves into exhortation. It is not a part of ἐκτίθημι. Acts 28:23 could conceivably present a different picture, for there Paul is said to be “explaining” (imperfect tense), though no direct object is given. It is of course possible that the direct object comes from v. 22 (as the NRSV and REB have it); it is also possible that the direct object comes with the present participle διαμαρτυρόμενος (“testifying”), viz., “the kingdom of God.” But if the latter, then διαμαρτυρόμενος is most likely a participle of means, thus defining the action of the main verb. All this means that we may need to factor in this verb’s force in the meaning of ἐκτίθημι. However, one would expect some confirmatory use of the verb elsewhere if it is to include this notion. (It is rather doubtful that the second person present participle, πείθων (“persuading”) is a participle of means since it has a different object (“concerning Jesus...”); rather, it should be viewed as purpose (“for the purpose of persuading,” “with the intention of persuading”) or contemporaneous (“while [making an attempt at] persuading”), the latter view being more natural.

In the LXX, the verb is used a dozen times (14 if one counts the Theodotionic version of Daniel): 9 times in Esther, 1 each in Job, Wisdom, and Daniel. All the references in Esther have to do with publishing or issuing a decree. The verb itself is used to describe making this decree known. Although the decree itself was a command, the verb in itself carries the force of simply “laying out” the news of the decree. (Cf. Esther 3:14; 4:3, 8; etc.). In Job 36:15 the verb speaks of God instructing the oppressed, though the Hebrew reads somewhat differently (Hebrew has “he opens their ears”). The problem here involves the difference between Greek and Hebrew, whether the Greek translated the same Hebrew text as we have today, etc. The differences elsewhere in the verse are so significant that not much can be made of this text. The passage in Wisdom 18:5 involves literal exposure (as in Acts 7:21). In Daniel 5:7 it relates to interpretation of the writing on the wall. In Daniel 3:29 (3:96 in the LXX) and 6:9 (6:8), the idiom involves making a decree public, as in Esther. The lexicon of the LXX by Muraoka confirms this assessment: “ἐκτίθημι+              V 0-0-0-13-2-15

Jb 36:15; Est 3:14; 4:3,8; 8:12

A: to make manifest  Jb 36:15; to publish  Est 3:14; to expose  Wis 18:5; to set forth  2 Mc 11:36; M: to publish  DnTh 3:96(29)”

Moving on to other literature, LSJ (the standard lexicon for the classical period) notes that ἐκτίθημι has the following forces: “ἐκ-τίθημι, f. -θήσω, to set out, place outside,  Od.: to expose  on a desert island or to expose  a new-born child, Hdt., Att.:—Med. to export,  Plut. II. to set up in public, exhibit publicly,   νόμους Dem.”

Returning to the New Testament, the semantic domain lexicon by Louw-Nida has this entry for the word: “33.151 τίθημιd; ἐκτίθεμαι; ἀνατίθεμαι: to explain something, presumably by putting forward additional or different information— ‘to explain, to make clear.’ τίθημιd: ἐν τίνι αὐτὴν παραβολῇ θῶμεν; ‘what parable shall we use to explain it?’ Mk 4:30.

Ε᾿κτίθεμαι: ἀκριβέστερον αὐτῷ ἐξέθεντο τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ‘they explained to him the way of God more accurately’ Ac 18:26.”

The Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (TDNT) has no treatment of this word, nor does Spicq’s three-volume work.

The three-volume Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament by Balz and Schneider has a brief entry that adds nothing to our discussion (1.422), giving only the definitions of “explain, expose.”

Moulton and Milligan’s Vocabulary of the Greek Testament, a work that relates the vocabulary of the NT to (roughly) contemporary non-literary papyri, adds confirmatory evidence of the meanings we have already seen, viz., “post up a notice,” (as in the issuing of a decree), “expose,” and “explain or expound [the whole truth]” (p. 199).

Finally, BAGD gives two basic meanings, “1. expose, abandon; 2. fig. explain, set forth” (245).

From the primary data and the lexical tools that interpret such, there was seen to be almost no unusual meaning, virtually no sense that could be viewed as approaching διδάσκω and its cognates in the NT. That is, except for the possible participle of means in Acts 28:23 (διαμαρτυρόμενος), the force of ἐκτίθημι  never seemed to transgress into the realm of exhortation. To be sure, διαμαρτύρομαι does indeed involve exhortation, warning, etc. (cf. Luke 16:28; Acts 8:25; 18:5), though it also has a legal air about it (“solemnly testify”). In any event, since there is a different and just as likely explanation for the  use of the participle in Acts 28:23 and since no confirmatory evidence was found to suggest that ἐκτίθημι  meant more than “explain,” the meaning of “exhort” must be judged as unconfirmed on the basis of the data we have examined.

Secondary Literature

Turning to the secondary literature, we can say in general that few scholars really take the time to analyze this verb. In a friendly debate over the role of women in the church that I was involved several years ago, a female professor argued on the basis of Acts 18:26 that women had the right to teach men because, as she put it, “the verb ἐκτίθημι is stronger than διδάσκω.” That kind of comment, of course, is not helpful, for the adjective ‘stronger’ can mean just about anything. When it comes to this issue, it certainly is not stronger concerning exhortation and clearly has nothing over the Pauline use of διδάσκω regarding explanation, setting forth of the truth. I have checked several of the more important works on the role of women in the church. Several of them do not even mention the verse. But of those that do, very little is said. The following is a representative selection, with a few comments added.  (The books by France, Groothuis, and Tucker-Liefeld may be considered generally egalitarian, while the books by Hurley and Piper-Grudem are largely complementarian.)

R. T. France, Women in the Church’s Ministry (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), says that Priscilla and Aquila “take the initiative in ‘taking aside’ the formidable Apollos and teaching him ‘a more accurate’ version of the Christian message than he had yet encountered (Acts 18:26). Clearly they were a force to be reckoned with in early Mediterranean Christianity!” (p. 80). This statement is loaded with innuendos that tend to give a wrong impression about what really happened. (Similar is some of Jewett’s treatment of this text.) The text is plain enough as it is: Apollos had not been as well instructed in the facts of the Christian faith as would have been hoped. So, Aquila and Priscilla took him aside and laid out for him a more accurate explanation of who Jesus was and what the Christian message was all about.

Rebecca M. Groothuis, Good News for Women (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997), p. 194, makes this brief comment about the text: “Priscilla and Aquila offered doctrinal instruction to Apollos, a teacher and leader in the church, who received their instruction as authoritative—even though it came in large part from a woman (Acts 18:24-26).” Although this is true to a degree, it is also somewhat misleading, since the primary aspect of their instruction seems to have focused on the historical Jesus (v. 25). Of course, doctrine grows out of this, but the focus of the text and the lexical meaning of ἐκτίθημι  is that known facts were presented to Apollos so that he would have a more sure basis for his arguments.

James B. Hurley, Man and Woman in Biblical Perspective (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1981), offers an interesting perspective on this text: “We should consider the situation of a woman missionary or of a woman or a man who is not an elder in a situation in which there are no elders (e.g. China after Mao’s take-over or Uganda under Idi Amin). Such a situation is much like that of Prisca and Aquila in teaching Apollos (Acts 18:24-26)” (p. 250). Elsewhere he affirms the same thing (118-20). Still, Hurley does not address the meaning of the verb.

In the book edited by John Piper and Wayne Grudem, Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood (Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 1991), this passage is mentioned more than half a dozen times (on pp. 68-9, 82, 212, 218, 222, 256). On p. 69 Piper and Grudem say, “Nothing in our understanding of Scripture says that when a husband and wife visit an unbeliever (or a confused believer—or anyone else) the wife must be silent.” On p. 82 they say that because of Paul's influence, “Priscilla knew Scripture well enough to help instruct Apollos (Acts 18:26).” No elaboration on the meaning of the verb is given. Tom Schreiner’s note on p. 212 simply paraphrases Acts 18:26. On p. 222, Schreiner adds the sober note, “It should also be said that some who argue for no restrictions on women in ministry argue from isolated and ambiguous verses, such as Romans 16:7 or Priscilla's teaching of Apollos in Acts 18:26.” On p. 256, Paige Patterson notes that “no legitimate question exists with reference to either the adequacy or the acceptability of a woman serving in some teaching roles. Apollos profited not only from the instruction of Aquila but also from that of Priscilla (Acts 18:26).” In none of these references was there a word study on ἐκτίθημι.

Finally, one of the most extensive treatments of Acts 18:26 is to be found in Ruth A. Tucker and Walter Liefeld, Daughters of the Church: Women and Ministry from New Testament Times to the Present (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1987). The text (or the broader context) is discussed on pp. 50 (though listed in the index, the text was not discussed on this page), 67-70, 125, 476 n. 104, 478 n. 49. They note that (quoting William Ramsey) Priscilla’s teaching of Apollos “is in perfect accord with the manners of that country. In Athens or in an Ionian city it would have been impossible” (p. 68). On pp. 67-70 they discuss the text, but never discuss the meaning of the verb, a significant oversight. As far as I can tell (no Greek word index is given), nowhere else in the book do they discuss this word.

Thus, the secondary literature, on both sides of the fence, is surprisingly sparse in its actual treatment of ἐκτίθημι. Assumptions are made based on context as to the nature of the instruction, but without an examination of scope of meaning that this verb can have, such construals are too subjective. Our tentative conclusion is that Priscilla and Aquila laid out for Apollos a more accurate understanding of the Christian faith, based on their instruction from Paul and their knowledge of the facts of the historical Jesus (which seems to be implied in Acts 18:25). This was not, of course, a mere history lesson. But it was not primarily, or apparently even secondarily, exhortational in nature. It was a historical-doctrinal explanation of the Christian faith. Further, it was done in private and by both Priscilla and Aquila. That Apollos took from this instruction a bolder refutation of Jewish views of Jesus and a stronger proclamation of the gospel (Acts 18:28) is instructive: what Priscilla and Aquila gave him was the tools necessary for his ministry, but Priscilla did not apparently perform the same ministry as Apollos.

Conclusion

This then seems to be the line of demarcation that this text encapsulates (especially when it is compared to 1 Tim 2:12): a woman may explain the known facts of the gospel. But whether she has permission to exhort men on the basis of those facts is both outside the scope of Acts 18:26 and its context and is proscribed in 1 Tim 2:12. In practice, I would see no problem with women instructing men in several areas in church ministry, such as Sunday school classes on church history, basic Bible facts (with a minimum of interpretation), and the like. But when it comes to teaching the Word to men in a manner that involves interpretation and/or application/exhortation, this seems to be a violation of the prohibition in 1 Tim 2:12.

Related Topics: Grammar, Issues in Church Leadership/Ministry, Leadership, Text & Translation

Kitab Wahyu: Pendahuluan, Argumen dan Garisbesar

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Maret 12, 20031

Translated by Berens Dien

I. Pendahuluan

A. Pengarang

Meski pengarang memperkenalkan dirinya sebagai “Yohanes” (1:9), tidak ada petunjuk Yohanes yang mana yang dimaksudkan. Sudah menjadi anggapan tradisi bahwa pengarangnya adalah rasul Yohanes. Berikut adalah bukti yang mendukung dan yang menentang bahwa rasul Yohanes adalah pengarangnya.

1. Bukti Eskternal

a. Yang menolak kepengarangan apostolik
1) Dionysius

Meski kebanyakan pihak dari zaman mula-mula mendukung bahwa pengarangnya bersifat apostolik (maksudnya pengarangnya adalah Yohanes), ada beberapa yang tidak, khususnya Dionysius dari Alexandria. Dengan cara membandingkan Injil Yohanes dengan Wahyu Dionysius berkesimpulan bahwa kedua pengarangnya tidak mungkin adalah orang yang sama. Karena dia yakin bahwa kitab Injil yang keempat itu bersifat apostolik, maka ia harus menolak sifat apostolik dalam kitab Wahyu. Dionysius tidak memberitahu kepada kita adlah motivasi atas penolakan tersebut. Namun seperti yang dikemukakan Walvoord, “Alasan penolakan kepengarangan apostolik banyak didasarkan pada suasana teologis di abad ke-tiga. Pada saat itu aliran teologi Alexandria, termasuk didalamnya Dionysius, menentang doktrin kerajaan milenial yang dengan gamblang diajarkan pada pasal 20 dengan mengacu pada seribu tahun.”2

Namun apakah Dionysius benar? Guthrie memberi tiga alasan mengapa kesaksian Dionysius perlu dikesampingkan.

Kritik Dionysius “tidak didasarkan pada kesaksian zaman mula-mula, namun pada penilaian subjektif. Oleh sebab itu, kritik tersebut bukan mewakili kesaksian orang-orang Kristen pada abad ke-tiga, melainkan hanya merupakan penilaian yang berbeda dari kritik abad ke-duapuluh.”3

(2) “Pernyataan Dionysius yang berkaitan dengan bahasa Yunani cenderung salah karena ia kelihatannya tidak melihat citarasa Semitik dibalik bahasa Yunani dalam Injil, dan pendapatnya mengenai Wahyu tidak menjawab penilaian kritis yang modern yang pada umumnya yakin bahwa keanehan tatabahasanya bukan disebabkan oleh karena kebodohan.”4

(3) “Saran alternatif yang diberikan Dionysius tidak meyakinkan, karena padangannya mengenai ‘Yohanes yang kedua’ itu jelas menjadi kesaksian kehidupannya yang ceroboh.”5

Dengan sangat yakin,  Guthrie telah terlalu melebih-lebihkan. Kita akan melihat alasan kedua diatas kemudian akan membahas yang pertama dan yang ketiga sekaligus. Akan tetapi perlu diperhatikan disini bahwa Dionysius sebenarnya mendasarkan pendapatnya itu (apapun motivasi yang ia miliki) pada bukti-bukti internal dan eksternal. Sebenarnya, pendapatnya itu sangat kuat sehingga selama bebeapa waktu saya menjadi meyakininya!

Pertama, dalam menilai persoalan linguistik, Guthrie sedang menanggapi pernyataan Dionysius bahwa siapapun yang menulis Wahyu pasti bukan yang menulis Injil, karena bahasa Yunani yang dipakai dalam Wahyu adalah sungguh berbeda, bahkan sebenarnya sungguh jelek (Dionysius menamakannya bahasa “barbar”), sedangkan bahasa Yunani dalam Injil yang ke-empat menggunakan bahasa Yunani yang lumayan. Guthrie melukiskan satu gambaran yang seragam mengenai pandangan modern yang sebenarnya sama sekali tidak seragam: bahasa Yunani dalam Injil ke-empat, menurut beberapa sarjana, adalah bahasa Yunani sangat baik dengan hampir tidak memiliki unsur Semitisme,6 dan bahasa Yunani yang solestik dalam Wahyu kapanpun tidak bisa disebabkan oleh maksud tertentu.7

Kedua, meski Dionysius tidak menyatakannya secara langsung, namun ia mendasarkan pandangannya pada kesimpulan di zaman mula-mula. Maksudnya, nampaknya ia tidak hanya semata-mata mengadopsi sejumlah tulisan mengenai pernyataan terkenal dari Papias tentang “penatua Yohanes,” dalam menyimpulkan bahwa Yohanes adalah orang yang berbeda dari rasul Yohanes. Untuk itu sebaiknya kita melihat komentar Papias, karena ada banyak hal yang bergantung pada komentarnya tersebut.

2) Papias

Meski pernyataan Papias tidak mengatakan apapun mengenai siapa pengarang kitab Wahyu, nampaknya pernyataan Papias tersebut memungkinkan adanya dua Yohanes yang tinggal di Efesus yang terkenal itu. Dalam Fragments of Papias 2:3-4 ia berkata demikian:8

(2:3) Namun saya tidak akan mundur [untuk mengatakan] kepada anda sama seperti dalam banyak hal yang telah saya pelajari dengan baik dari para penatua—dan [sama seperti dalam banyak hal] saya mampu mengingat menyusun dengan sistematis dengan dalam interpretasi,9 sementara [di saat yang sama] menegaskan kebenaran atasnya. Karena saya tidak senang dengan mereka yang mengemukakan banyak hal (meski hal seperti itu disukai jemaat10), kecuali dengan mereka yang mengajarkan kebenaran. Saya juga tidak senang dengan mereka yang mengingat perintah-perintah yang lain, kecuali [hanya] dengan mereka yang [mengingat perintah-perintah] dari Tuhan yang telah diberikan dalam iman dan yang datang darinya dalam kebenaran.

(2:4) Namun kalau di satu tempat seseorang akan datang11 untuk memperingatkan para penatua, [perlu diketahui bahwa] saya [juga] telah sering menilai perkataan para penatua—[yakni,] apa yang Andreas atau Petrus atau Filipus atau Tomas atau Yakobus atau Yohanes atau Matius atau murid Tuhan lainnya telah katakan, bahkan apa yang Ariston dan penatua Yohanes, yang adalah murid Tuhan, telah kemukakan baru-baru ini. Karena saya tidak tergoda [dalam pandangan bahwa] perkataan dalam kitab-kitab itu memberi keuntungan pada saya sedikitpun sama seperti kebanyakan dari perkataan yang dari suara yang hidup dan teguh.

Perkataan yang terkenal diatas, yang dikutip dalam Eusebius, HE 3.38.4, dipakai sebagi bukti kuat bahwa rasul Yohanes itu dan penatua Yohanes itu bukanlah orang yang sama, dan bahwa penatua Yohanes itulah yang menulis Wahyu (cf. HE 3.38.5f.). Meski Guthrie telah sangat melebih-lebihkan pandangan yang menentang “bukti yang kuat” ini, namun ada beberapa kemungkinan bahwa keduanya memaksudkan Yohanes sebagai orang yang sama. Bukti untuk ini adalah sebagai berikut.

(1) Pertama, perlu dicatat bahwa hanya dua gelar yang dikemukakan disini—yakni penatua dan murid (bukan rasul). Keduanya menyebutkan Yohanes, langsung atau tidak langsung, memiliki gelar tersebut kepada orang tersebut. Jadi, ‘penatua Yohanes’ bukan satu gelar yang lebih rendah, karena disini Papias tidak menyebutkan ‘rasul Petrus,’ dsb.

(2) Sebutan kedua terhadap Yohanes adalah satu-satunya sebutan yang diberikan dalam daftar yang memiliki kata sandang definit (ὁ πρεσβύτερος ᾿Ιωάννης). Artikel ini mungkin bersifat anaforis. (Meski orang akan berharap kata sandangnya bersama πρεσβύτερος, kalau Papias memperkenalkannya sebagai untuk pertama kali maka cara yang paling wajar untuk melakukannya adalah dengan posisi atributif yang ketiga:(jΙωάννης ὁ πρεσβύτερος). Namun secara jujur, kata sandang tersebut jelas tidak bersifat anaforisdan orang mungkin akan dengan wajar berharap ada sejumlah qualifier jika Papias berkehendak untuk menyatakan dengan jelas Yohanes yang satu dari yang lainnya.

(3) Seperti yang dikemukakan I. T. Beckwith, penatua Yohanes “telah cukup dikenal sebagai rasul Yohanes, karena seperti yang terdapat dalam teksnya, disini ia disebut sebagai murid Tuhan, dan tidak ada Yohanes yang lain yang dikenal diantara murid Tuhan dalam Perjanjian Baru, atau yang selain dari kutipan dari Papias, menurut tradisi tiga abad  yang pertama” (Apocalypse, 363). Tentu saja, tidak ada seorang pun yang bernama Ariston dalam daftar murid Tuhan, kecuali yang disebutkan disini, jadi argumen ini tidak terlalu kuat seperti pada sebelumnya. (Lagi pula, seperti yang diakui Beckwith, kelompok kedua hampir tidak mungkin merupakan murid Tuhan secara persoal, karena Papias membicarakan mereka sebagai orang-orang yang masih berbicara [λέγουσω] pada abad c. AD 125—jadi, menganggap bahwa ειπεν dan λέγουσω bukan kata kerja dalam ungkapan langsung (yang sesuai dengan bagaimana kita menterjemahkannya).

(4) Ada kemungkinan Papias menganggap kelompok yang pertama semuanya sebagai pengarang Injil (meski secara tekhnis hanya Matius dan Yohanes yang termasuk dalam kelompok ini, dan kelompok orang yang kedua sebagai murid Tuhan yang mengenalnya secara pribadi. Ia nampaknya memaksudkan demikian dalam kalimat yang mengikutinya. Jika demikian, maka dalam satu hal Papias tidak hanya sedang membicarakan dua ‘Yohanes’ yang berbeda, melainkan dua macam ‘Yohanes’ yang berbeda— Injil (suara yang ditulis) dan orangnya (suara yang hidup). Jadi ia tidak perlu memperketat kaitannya (meski Injil yang keempat mungkin ditulis oleh ‘suara yang hidup’—apalagi jika ‘suara yang hidup’ itu lebih berarti.

(5) Akhirnya, Larfield (Die beiden Johannes von Ephesus [1914], 113-36) telah memberi satu peneguhan tekstual (lihat Beckwith, 365, untuk satu kesimpulan) yang bisa mengurangi ketegangan.

Kita tidak bermaksud berinterkasi dengan argumen-argumen ini, juga tidak bermaksud menjelaskannya dengan mendetai; kami hanya bermaksud membuat sketsa kerangka kerja bagaimana pernyataan Papias bisa dipahami secara berbeda. Namun, perlu dikemukankan disini bahwa (1) ada beberapa keraguan bahwa Papias sungguh menyebutkan dua orang yang bernama Yohanes, meski Dionysius kemungkinan menjadikan pernyataan ini sebagai landasan. (2) Meski kalau memang Papias membicarakan dua orang berbeda yang bernama Yohanes, ini tidak membuktikan apa-apa mengenai kepengarangan apostolik. Kasusnya jelas masih perlu diselesaikan dengan cara lain.

b. Yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik

Daftar penulis bapak Gereja yang menerima kepengarangan apostolik sungguh mengesankan dan terjadi sejak awal: Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement dari Alexandria, Origen, Hippolytus. Kalu Origen termasuk dalam daftar itu sangatlah berarti, karena di sama seperti Dionusius adalah dari aliran Alexandria. Seperti yang telah dikemukakan Guthrie, “sedikit kitab Perjanjian Baru yang memperoleh penegasan sejak awal.”12 Namun, perlu disebutkan disini bahwa kitab Wahyu, meski dengan segala dukungannya, mengalami pergumulan pengkanonan lebih lama dari kitab PB manapun. Akan tetapi, kitab Wahyu tidak ditolak terutama mengenai kepengarangannya, melainkan mengenai persoalan perspektif teologis—yakni, berkaitan dengan chiliasm.

2. Bukti Internal

Secara internal, bukti yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik tidaklah terlalu kuat. Sejujurnya, ini adalah yang meresahkan banyak sarjana saat ini.

a. Yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik

Ada tiga argumentasi internal yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik.

1) Dari kitab Wahyu. Pertama, ia dikenal dengan namanya saja oleh ketujuh gereja yang ia tulis. Ini akan lebih bisa dipercaya jika tulisan tersebut memang ditulis oleh rasul Yohanes. Kedua, ia mengharapkan gereja-gereja tersebut memberi respon yang baik dan mentaati tulisannya, karena ia menyampaikannya dengan otoritas (cf. 1:3; 22:9, 18ff.).13 Ketiga, meski ia menulis dalam bentuk gendre nubuatan gaya Yahui kuno, ada satu keunikan dalam tulisannya:  kalau tulisan nubuatan gaya Yahudi diasalkan pada orang-orang mulia jauh di masa lampau (misalnya, kepada Enoch, Ezra, Baruch), pengarangnya disini dengan jelas menyatakan dirinya sebagai “Yohanes saudara dan sekutumu.”14

2) Dari penjelasan Yohanes yang bersifat sinoptis. Dikenal dengan salah seorang dari “anak-anakguruh,” sifatnya bisa dilihat dalam tulisannya ini. Guthrie membicarakan banyak mengenai hal ini, meski hampir tidak pernah memberi komentar bahwa kebanyakan yang terdapat dalam kitab Wahyu itu dikarenakan oleh sifatnya yang bersifat nubuatan.

3) Dari satu perbandingan dengan tulisan Yohanes lainnya. Ini merupakan argumen yang terkuat yang mendukung kepengarangannya. Secara khusus ada kesamaan kuat antara tulisan ini dengan Injil yang keempat. Keduanya memiliki ide-ide yang sama, motif-motif teologi yang sama, istilah-istilah yang sama. Misalnya, hanya dalam Injil keempat dan dalam kitab Wahyu λόγος digunakan untuk Kristus. Selanjutnya, penggunaan simbol tujuh yang diulang-ulang dalam kitab ini  terdapat dalam injil Yohanes sebagai bagian dari argumennya (tujuh tanda, tujuh pernyataan “AKULAH”, dsb.). Memang, orang bisa berkata bahwa Wahyu lebih mendekati Injil keempat dalam pikiran dan gaya dibandingkan dengan kitab lainnya dalam kanon PB.

b. Yang menolak kepengarangan apostolik

Demikian juga ada tiga argumen yang menentang kepengarangan apostolik.

1) Persoalan sejarah. Ada laporan bertentangan di zaman dahulu mengenai kematian rasul Yohanes. Selanjutnya, kalau tulisan ini ditanggalkan pada akhir abad pertama—dan meski rasul Yohanes masih hidup pada zaman tersebut—bisakah orang setua itu menulis sejelas itu? Akan tetapi tidak perlu banyak memikirkan hal ini karena tradisi mengenai kematian Yohanes agak lunak, dan karena kita tidak mengetahui berapa usianya saat ia dipanggil sebagai murid (saat itu ia bisa saja baru berumur 20 awal, mungkin lebih muda), kita tidak bisa memberi komentar mengenai kekuatannya pada usia yang ke-90an.

2) Persoalan teologis. Persoalan teologi lebih kuat dibanding persoalan sejarah. Penekanan para Trinitas sebagai seorang penilik Patmos cukup berbeda dari yang dilakukan oleh Yohanes si penginjil. Allah adalah Pencipta, Kristus adalah Pahlawan, sedangkan Roh Kudus bukan satu melainkan tujuh (1:4). Perbedaan ini tidak terlalu berarti kalau kita menyadari bentuk tulisan dan tujuan kitab ini. Namun ada satu perbedaan teologis yang sangat berarti.

Kalau Injil keempat menekankan eskatologi yang telah nyata, Wahyu menekankan eskatologi futuristik. Kenyatannya akan sulit untuk menemukan doa perspektif eskatologis yang lebih ekstrim dalam kamom. Eskatologi yang ditekankan Yohanes penginjil adalah ‘yang sudah,’ namun yang menulis wahyu bersifat ‘belum terjadi.” Hal ini ditambah dengan argumentasi linguistik saya akui pernah menyakinkan saya selama beberapa waktu. Saya sebelumnya berpikir sungguh tidak mungkin penulis Injil bisa tertarik dengan eskatologi futuristik. Namun setelah yakin bahwa kemungkinan Yohanes penginjil jugalah yang menulis ketiga surat Yohanes, orang bisa melihat bagaimana ia bisa membuat pernyataan-pernyataan eskatologisnya. Sebenarnya, dalam rekonstruksi historis yang kami lakukan, kami menyarankan bahwa Injil Yohanes ditulis tidak lama sebelum perang Yahudi pecah, ketiga surat Yohanes ditulis saat peperangan terjadi, dan kitab Wahyu ditulis sedikit jauh setelah peperangan tersebut. Peperangan yang dialami orang Yahudi sungguh mempengaruhi pandangan dan cara menulis Yohanes, dan kalau dia menulis Wahyu 30 tahun sesudahnya, ia memiliki waktu untuk merenungi motif teologi yang baru (bagi dirinya). Selanjutnya, kalau tulisan ini ditulis di zaman pemerintaahan Domitian yang penuh teror, penulis dengan mudah bisa melihat satu pengenapannya di zamannya, jika bukan di akhir zaman. Pada akhirnya, perbedaan teologis tidak bisa saling dipertentangkan, meski keduanya mungkin memang  memiliki kerangka waktu yang berbeda. Dengan demikian, rasul Yohanes mungkin yang menulis keduanya.

3) Persoalan Linguistik. Banyak kesalahan tatbahasa dalam kitab Wahyu! “Pengarannya nampaknya tidak mengenal aturan-aturan dasar mengenai keteraturan. Ia menempatkan nominatif  bertolakbelakang [sic] dengan kasus-kasus lain, penggunaan partisipel secara tidak beraturan, susunan kalimat yang tidak lengkap, menambahkan kata ganti yang tidak perlu, mencampuraduk gender, kata bilangan dan kasus dan ia memperkenalkan beberapa susunan aneh. Kelihatannya sangatlah tidak meragukan bahwa penggunaan taabahasa dalam kitab ini berbeda dengan yang terdapat dalam Injil. Namun yang menjadi persoalan sebenarna adalah apakah orang yang sama yang membuat perbedaan-perbedaan ini.”15

Mengenai persoalan lingustik, nampaknya tidak mungkin orang yang sama yang mengarang Injil dan Wahyu yang hanya berselang beberapa tahun saja. Tidak hanya perbedaan linguistik, namun juga ada perbedaan dalam memahami tuisan-tulisan dalam Alkitab. Banyak sarjana yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik untuk kedua buku itu akan berpendapat bahwa kitab Wahyu ditulis lebih dulu kemudian injil Yohanes. Alasannya adalah bahwa rasul Yohanes memerlukan waktu untuk memperbaiki bahasa Yunaninya. Namun pendapat ini salah dalam dua hal (1) itu mengabaikan persoalan psikologis: bukankah seseorang yang telah berusia 50an telah memiliki cara yang mapan dalam berbicara dan berpikir? Apakah mungkin ia bisa memperbaiki bahasanya selama tigapuluh tahun kemudian, kalau ia berbicara dan menulis dengan cara tertentu selama lebih dari setengah abad? (2) Pandangan ini beranggapan bahwa bahasa Yunani dalam Wahyu dikarenakan oleh kebodohan pengarangnya dalam sintaksis bahasa Yunani, dimana kenyataannya kemungkinan ada faktor lain yang menyebabkannya.

Kami setuju bahwa tidak mungkin Yohanes menulis kedua kitab itu di waktu yang sama. Bukti linguistik (juga dalam penggunaan Alkitab) meyakinkan kami akan hal ini. Namun kami ingin mengemukakan pandangan lain: seiring bertambahnya usia rasul Yohanes, bahasa alkitab PL telah menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dalam kosakatanya. Kami yakin ia menulis Injil pada usia 60an. Tigapuluh tahun kemudian setelah menggembalakan jemaat di Asia Kecil, bahasa Yohanes bisa saja dengan mudah menjadi sangat dipengaruhi oleh tulisan-tulisan Alkitab yang ia ajarkan. Ini biasanya terjadi pada pengkhotba lanjut usia yang menggunakan Alkitab King James selama hidupnya. Pada usiannya yang semakin tua ia akan hampir kurang bisa memahami ungkapan-ungkapan modern! Dalam kitab Wahyu setidaknya ada hampir 40 referensi dari PL, meski tidak satupun yang langsung menggunakan sintaksis asli dari PL yang ia pakai, meski sintaksi seperti itu akan tidak sesuai dengan konteks tulisannya sendiri (cf. 1:4-5, etc.). Kebanyakan diantaranya memang disengaja; tapi banyak juga yang tidak. Namun saat Yohanes menjadi semakin tua, bahasa alkitab menjadi bagian dari struktur linguistik yang ia buat.

Sebagai kesimpulan, kami berpikir bahwa keseimbangan bukti yang ada masih mendukung kepengarangan apostolik, meski pada saat rasul Yohanes menulis Injil keempat pasti lebih dulu dari saatnya ia menulis kitab Wahyu dalam beberapa tahun. Yohanes adalah pengarang kitab Wahyu. Adolph Schlatter, “yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik dalam tulisan-tulisan Yohanes, menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada rasul lain yang memberi ajaran yang sebegitu lengkap—iman dalam Injil, kasih dalam surat-surat, dan harapan dalam Wahyu.”16 Kita bisa menambahkan disini bahwa karena Yohanes nampaknya mengenal Tuhan lebih dekat dari murid-murid lainnya saat Kristus datang pada kali yang pertama, nampaknya wajar kalau dia juga dipilih untuk melihatNYa dalam kedatanganNya pada kali yang kedua dengan cara yang paling intim. Sebenarnya, atas analogi perkataan Yesus dalam Matt 16:28, yang digenapi dalam Transfigurasi (17:1ff.), maka mungkin saja Wahyu Yesus Kristus yang ditulis oleh Yohanes adalah satu penggenapan Yohanes 21:21-23.

B. Penanggalan

Tanpa memastikan penanggalan yang mendetail, kami yakin bahwa kitab ini ditulis pada zaman pemerintahan Domitian (c. 95-96 CE), bukan di zaman pemerintahan Nero. Meski ada alasan yang baik kalau menanggalkannya pada pemerintahan Nero (lihat Robinson), dalam hal pembahasan kita mengenai kepengarangan apostolik juga karena perbedaan linguistik dibandingkan dengan Injil yang keempat, kami lebih suka penanggalan tradisional (karena kami telah yakin dengan tahun ke 60an untuk Injil).17

C. Penerima

Kitab Wahyu ditulis kepada ketujuh jemaat di dataran Asia Kecil. Meski beberapa sarjana lebih suka melihat ketujuh jemaat ini sebagai wakil dari ketujuh zaman yang berbeda dalam sejarah gereja, namun tidak ada pembenaran untuk pandangan seperti ini yang didukung oleh teks itu sendiri ataupun dari sejarh gereja. Akan tetapi ketujuh gereja ini mungkin dipilih karena mewakili macam-macam gereja dan orang Kristen yang dikenal Yohanes dan yang ia layani.

D. Latarbelakang dan Tujuan

1. Latarbelakang

Latarbelakan tulisan ini sangat mungkin terjadi saat penganiayaan gencar terjadi pada orang-orang Kristen (1:9). Jika ini berkaitan dengan penganiayaan yang dilakukan oleh Domitianic, maka Penilik Patmos ini akan berpikir sampaikapan eskaton itu akan terjadi. Kemungkinan besar ia menyakini bahwa penganiayaan yang ia alami menunjukkan bahwa akhir zaman itu telah sangat dekat. Saat itu berakhir, ada satu gelombang penggenapan (sama seperti saat Hadrian meratakan Yerusalem pada 135 CE akan menjadi gelombang ketiga, dst.). Namun harapan eskatologis selalu ada dalam tulisan-tulisan PB—khususnya dalam masa-masa sulit, sama seperti pentingnya kesabaran yang selalu diperlukan.

2. Tujuan

Kitab Wahyu ditujukan untuk mendorong orang percaya dalam penganiayaan di zaman Romawi, dengan mengungkapkan bahwa Mesias mereka masih memegang kendali dan pada akhirnya akan menjadi pemenang. Dikaitkan dengan keadaan di zaman sekarang, meski saya meyakini posisi futuris ada banyak kebenaran dalam posisi preteris. Paling tidak Yohanes menggunakan keadaan di zamannya sebagai referensi awal dalam interpretasi teksnya, dan lebih dari itu, ia sendiri mungkin menulis tulisannya dengan cara seperti itu karena ia berpikir akhir zaman telah sangat dekat. Sejalan dengan tujuan ini, maka orang yang menafsirkan Wahyu dengan satu aliran saja akan kehilangan banyak yang disiratkan dalam kitab ini.18

E. Aliran-aliran Interpretasi19

Ada empat aliran interpretasi (dalam hal skema kronologi kitab Wahyu,  bukan dalam hal aliran eskatologi semata): preteris, historis, futuris, dan idealis.

(1) Pendekatan preteris percaya bahwa “Wahyu hanyalah satu gambaran keadaan kekaisaran abad pertama.”20 Meski, seperti yang telah kami jelaskan, kita tidak bisa memisahkan interpretasi kitab ini dari latarbelakangnya (dengan demikian ada kebenaran dalam pendekataan ini), namun pandangan seperti ini tidak bisa dengan memadai menjelaskan semua data dalam kitab Wahyu, karena pengarangnya menyatakan dengan gamblang bahwa kitab ini adalah tulisan yang menjelaskan masa depan (cf. 4:1).

(2) Pendekatan historis (atau historikis-berlanjut) “melihat kitab Wahyu sebagai satu presntasi simbolis keseluruhan sejarah gereja  sejak awal abad pertama hingga akhir zaman.”21  Namun ada beberapa persoalan dengan pandangan ini. “Pertama, identifikasi yang pasti atas kejadian-kejadian sejarah dengan simbol-simbolnya tidak pernah bisa lengkap dibuat, bahkan setelah kejadian-kejadian tersebut terjadi…. Kedua, para penafsir aliran historikal tidak pernah bisa dengan memuaskan menjelaskan mengapa satu nubuatan umum harus dibuat menguntungkan kekaisaran Roma bagian barat…. Ketiga, kalau memang pendekatan historis-berlanjut benar, maka prediskinya akan cukup mudah agar para pembacanya [yang mula-mula] bisa memahami apa maksudnya [cf. 22:10].”22

(3) Pendekatan futuris berpendapat bahwa “semua versi dari Wahyu 4:1 hingga bagian akhir kitab ini akan nanti digenapi pada periode segerea sebelum dan mengikuti kedatangan Kristus yang kedua.”23 Pendekatan ini adalah yang paling memuaskan karena (1) kemungkinan bahwa 1:19 dimaksudkan untuk menjadi garisbesar kitab ini; (2) terminus ad quem atas kedatangan Kristus yang kedua sebenarnya mendukung hal in, karena “saat kejadian-kejadian ini mengarah pada terminus ini dalam suksesi yang dekat, orang akan mengingat apa yang terjadi sebelumnya dan berkata bahwa banyak dari kejadian ini masih harus terjadi di mas depan karena penggenapannya belum terjadi dan karena simbol-simbolnya nampaknya merupakan pergantian kejadian-kejadian yang terjadi dengan cepat dan bukan merupakan satu proses yang lama”;24 dan (3) “semakin seseorang menggunakan interpretasi literal, maka semakin ia akan menjadi seorang futuris.”25

(4) Pendekatan idealis beanggapan, “Wahyu mewakili konflik abadi antara kebaikan dan kejahatan yang berlangsung di sepanjang masa, meski dalam hal ini hal itu memiliki aplikasi tertentu bagi zaman gereja.”26 Namun sama seperti pandangan aliran preteris, pendekatan ini mengabaikan elemen prediktif dalam kitab ini. Singkatnya, “pandangan idealist memang memiliki banyak kebenaran. Kesalahannya tidak terdapat dalam apa yang ditegaskannya melainkan banyak dalam apa yang dibantahnya.”27

Pendakatan kita terhadap kitab Wahyu pada dasarnya adalah dari perspektif futuris, meski aliran preteris dan idealis tidak bisa sepenuhnya dikesampingkan karena nampaknya juga ini merupakan bagian dari tujuan pengarangnya.

E. Tema

Tema kitab ini dinyatakan dalam ayat pertama: “Wahyu Yesus Kristus.” Kitab Wahyu adalah wahyu dari Dia maupun tentang Dia, dan pada dasarnya merupakan satu wahyu tentang Dia yang akan datang sebagai pahlawan dan raja. Pada intinya kitab ini menyatakan: “Yesus akan menang!”

II. Argument

Yohanes memulai suratnya yang berkelipatan tujuh ini dengan mengumandangkan sumber pewahuan kitab ini (1:1-3), diikuti salam kepada gereja-gereja di Asia Kecil (1:4-8).

Ini segera diikuti oleh visi mengenai Kristus yang dimuliakan (1:9-20) dimana terdapat garisbesar untuk kitab ini (1:19), yakni apa yang telah terjadi (1:1-20), apa yang sedang terjadi (2:1–3:22), dan apa yang akan terjadi (4:1–22:21). Setelah menggambarkan latarbelakangnya (1:9-11), Yohanes menampilkan suasana yang agung dan menakutkan mengenai Kristus yang telah dibangkitkan dan dimuliakan (1:12-16). Sama seperti Yesaya di zaman dulu (cf. Isa 6), karena Yohanes mengalami visi yang jelas mengenai Allah, ia merasakan keberdosaan yang mendalam (cf. 1:17). Tuhan yang telah dimuliakan kemudian menugaskan kepadnya untuk menulis kitab ini (1:19-20).

Bagian kedua dipenuhi oleh pesan Tuhan kepada ketujuh jemaat—yakni apa yang sedang terjadi (2:1–3:22). Satu pesan yang singkat, umumnya berisi teguran dan janji, dan berisi penjelasan diri mengenai Tuhan yang telah dimuliakan ditulis kepada jemaat di: Efesus (2:1-7), Smirna (2:8-11), Pergamus (2:12-17), Tiatira (2:8-29), Sardis (3:1-6), Filadelphia (3:7-13), dan Laodikia (3:14-22).

Bagian terbesar kitab ini berisi apa yang akan terjadi di masa depan, atau tentang penggenapan semua hal (4:1–22:21). Yohanes mulai dengan tayangan pendahuluan di sorga (4:1–5:14), yang mengungkapkan Allah yang suci mulia (4:1-11) dan karya penebusan dari Anak Domba, Singa dari suku Yehuda (5:1-14). Karena visi yang mengikutinya akan menjadi menakutkan mengenai kehancuran manusia dan penghakiman dari Allah, kedua tema kembar ini perlu dinyatakan kepada rasul Yohanes dengan cara yang berbeda terlebih dahulu. Jadi Yohanes memperkenalkan masa tribulasi (4:1–18:24) dengan cara terlebih dahulu merasakan kekudusan Allah dan upah penebusan. Hanya dengan cara demikian ia bisa melihat visi sesudahnya dengan benar.

Setelah itu diikuti sejumlah penghakiman, yang semuanya dikelompokkan menjadi tujuh. Kelompok penghakiman yang pertama ada tujuh materai penghakiman (6:1–8:1), meski itu dinyatakan dalam dua gelombang. Keenam yang pertama dinyatakan dengan mendetai (6:1-17), diikuti oleh satu bagian sisipan (7:1-17). Dalam sisipan ini dinyatakan bagaimana 144,000 orang Israel dimateraikan (7:1-8) dan penyembahan yang dilakukan sejumlah orang percaya yang adalah martir di zaman tribulasi (kemungkinan adalah orang-orang yang bukan Yahudi) yang melakukan penyembahan (7:9-17). Ditengah-tengah murka Allah yang ditumpahkan dalam bentuk tujuh materai, terdapat visi mengenai pengharapan dan keselamatan. Sekali lagi motif kekudusan Allah (7:15-16) dan penebusan dari Kristus (7:17) adalah hal yang melekat erat. Segera setelah penglihatan yang mulia ini, ketujuh materai ini ditumpahkan (8:1).

Ketujuh kelompok penghakiman berikut adalah ketujuh sangkakala (8:2–11:19), yang dirancang bergaya Mesir. Penghakiman sangkakala-sangkakala bersifat lebih drastis, pasti, dan final dibandingkan dengan penghakiman dari materai, namun tidak se-universal seperti penghakiman cawan yang mengikutinya. Sekali lagi setelah satu penjelasan enam penghakiman (8:2–9:21), ada sisipan yang mengikutinya (10:1–11:14), yang berkaitan dengan kitab kecil (10:1-11) dan dua saksi (11:1-14). Sebagai satu bagian singkat yang tedus sebelum terjadi badai, satu sisipan sebelum terjadinya penghakiman terakhir diberikan kepada Yohanes. Dan sama seperti pada sisipan yang pertama, yang ini mengingatkan dia akan kemuliaan Allah (10:6a), dan pentingnya untuknya melanjutkan tugas yang diberikan kepadanya—meski ia mengalami ketidaknyamanan (10:6b-11), dan ketidaksabaran manusia, meski mereka memiliki saksi (11:1-14). Ketujuh sangkakala kemudian dinyatakan (11:15-19), meski tidak ada yang khusus dalam penghakiman ini (sama seperti pada materai yang ketujuh).28

Kemudian dalam pergantian yang cepat, tiga sisipan dinyatakan. Pertama, dijelaskan tentang wanita dan perang (12:1-18). Ular yang berperang melawan wanita itu adalah Setan; kekerasannya terhadap wanita itu, yang adalah Israel dan anaknya, yakni Mesias, digambarkan dengan jelas. Sisipan pertama ini menjelaskan kejadian yang sama seperti yang terdapat dalam pasal 6-11, meski dari sudut yang berbeda. Kalau pada pasal-pasal  sebelumnya dinampakkan tayangan tentang Allah, namun disini Setan ditayangkan. Sisipan setelah itu adalah mengenai dua binatang (13:1-18). Setelah rencana Setan untuk memusnahkan wanita dan anaknya itu gagal, ia kemudian mengambil langkah selanjutnya. Dalam pasal 13 terdapat akhir dari hal itu. Sekarang binatang-binatang itu mengincar para orang suci (13:7), juga seisi dunia ini (13:8).

Sisipan keenam kembali mengenai pandangan ilahi (14:1-20), yakni, penghakiman oleh Anak Domba. Tayangannya pertama menggambarkan 144,000 orang menyembahNya (14:1-5), diikuti oleh pengumuman mengenai kehancuran di dunia oleh tiga malaikat (14:6-12). Di tengah-tengan prediksi penghakiman yang akan datang berkat diberikan kepada para orang suci yang menjadi martir di masa tersebut (14:13). Kemudian Anak Domba itu digambarkan sebagai penuai (14:14-16) yang menuai penghakiman global yang berakibat pertumpahan darah diantara penghuni bumi (14:17-20).

Rangkaian penghakiman terakhir adalah tujuh cawan penghakiman (15:1–18:24). Ada pendahuluan yang panjang mengawali penghakiman-penghakiman ini (15:1–16:1), yang menunjukkan pada akibat-akibat yang terjadi saat penghakiman-penghakiman itu dilaksanakan (15:5–16:1), meski didahului dengan catatan berisi harapan dan keteguhan yang dilihat dalam angkatan  baru yang terdiri dari para martir yang menyanyi di sorga (15:1-4). Kemudian datanglah penghakiman-penghakiman tersebut (16:2-21). Enam dari tujuh penghakiman ini adalah tulah yang sama dengan yang diberikan kepada orang Mesir, meski kali ini lebih memuncak dan universal.

Segera setelah cawan penghakiman yang ketujuhterdapat penghakiman terhadap si pelacur besar (17:1-18). Namanya adalah “rahasia, Babel” (17:5), jadi ini tidak mengacu pada nama kota sesungguhnya, seperti yang bisa dilihat dalam tafsiran yang diberikan (17:18). Semangat Babel terdapat pada kota sekuler: di zaman Yohanes itu adalah Roma, sedangkan di zaman kita sekarang adalah Washington. Kejatuhan kota ini kemudian digambarkan dalam 18:1-24. Namun kota ini tidak bersifat politik atau agamawi seperti dalam pasal 17, melainkan bersifat komersial, seperti yang bisa dilihat oleh mereka yang meratapi pemusnahannya (18:9-19). Meski para pedangan dan nahkoda kapal meratapinya, sukacita dialami oleh mereka yang kudus (18:20).

Bagian utama yang terakhir pada bagian yang ketiga ini adalah mengenai ketujuh hal terakhir (19:1–22:5). Satu transisi diberikan untuk kerajaan milenial (19:1–20:15), namun terfokus pada dua wanita: pada si pelacur dan pada pengantin (19:1-10). Sekali lagi, penghakiman diberi diselah-sela berkat. Kemudian dalam pergantian yang cepat, datang ketujuh hal terakhir (19:11–22:5)—keenam yang pertama dinyatakan dalam urutan kronologisyang berkaitan dengan kerajaan milenial.

Pertama, kedatangan Kristus kali yang kedua dinyatakan (19:11-16). Kedua, peperangan di akhir zaman dinyatakan dengan pesta bagi burung-burung (19:17-21). Ketiga, Setan diikat selama seribu tahun (20:1-3). Keempat, kerajaan mileniul digambarkan (20:4-6). Kelima, pada akhir seribu tahun, Setan sekali lagi dilepaskan dan dihancurkan (20:7-10). Keenam, takhta putih agung dinyatakan pada akhir milenium (20:11-15).

Hal terakhir yang ketujuh (21:1–22:5) suasana keabadian. Tindakan Allah dalam menciptakan langit dan bumi yang baru perlu diimani karena itu dikumandangkan dari takhta (21:3-8). Yohanes menceritakan kepada kita apa yang ia lihat yakni Yerusalem baru (21:9–22:5). Kota ini dibangun kembali seluruhnya dan sungguh gemerlap (21:9-21), dimana tidak ada bait suci karena Allah dan Anak Domba adalah bait suci (21:22-27). Ditengah-tengahnya adalah sungai kehidupan (22:1-3a), dan Allah dan Anak Domba mentediakan terang baginya (22:3b-5).

Setelah akhir visi mengenai masa depan ini, Yohanes memberi kesimpulan dengan cara mengundang pembaca (22:6-21). Ada tiga pihak yang memberi kesaksian mengenai kebenaran kitab ini: malaikat (22:6-11), Yesus sendiri (22:12-17), dan Yohanes (22:18-21).

III. Garisbesar29

I. Apa yang telah terjadi: pada Kristus (1:1-20)

A. Pendahuluan (1:1-8)

1. Prolog (1:1-3)

2. Salam (1:4-8)

B. Penglihatan tentang Kristus (1:9-20)

1. Latar (1:9-11)

2. Tayangan (1:12-16)

3. Sejumlah Respon dan perintah (1:17-20)

II. Apa yang sedang terjadi: pada Gereja (2:1–3:22)

A. Pesan kepada jemaat Efesus (2:1-7)

B. Pesan kepada jemaat Smirna (2:8-11)

C. Pesan kepada jemaat Pergamus (2:12-17)

D. Pesan kepada jemaat Tiatira (2:18-29)

E. Pesan kepada jemaat Sardis (3:1-6)

F. Pesan kepada jemaat Filadelfia (3:7-13)

G. Pesan kepada jemaat Laodikia (3:14-22)

III. Apa yang akan terjadi: Penggenapan (4:1–22:21)

Zaman Tribulasi (4:1–18:24)

A. Pendahuluan: Penglihatan dari Sorga (4:1–5:14)

1. Takhta Tuhan Allah Mahakuasa (4:1-11)

2. Kitab Singa dari Yehuda (5:1-14)

B. Ketujuh Materai Penghakiman (6:1–8:1)

1. Materai pertama (6:1-2)

2. Materai kedua(6:3-4)

3. Materai  ketiga (6:5-6)

4. Materai keempat (6:7-8)

5. Materai kelima (6:9-11)

6. Materai keenam (6:12-17)

(Sisipan pertama: 144,000 orang Israel dan orang banyak yang tidak terhitung [7:1-17])

a. Pemateraian 144,000 orang Israel (7:1-8)

b. Penyembahan dari orang-orang kudus zaman Tribulasi (7:9-17)

7. Materai ketujuh(8:1)

C. Tujuh Sangkakala Penghakiman (8:2–11:19)

1. Sangkakala pertama (8:2-7)

2. Sangkakala kedua (8:8-9)

3. Sangkakala ketiga (8:10-11)

4. Sangkakala keempat (8:12-13)

5. Sangkakala kelima (9:1-12)

6. Sangkakala keenam (9:13-21)

(Sisipan kedua: Kitab kecil dan dua saksi [10:1–11:14])

a. Kitab kecil (10:1-11)

b. Dua saksi (11:1-14)

7. Sangkakala ketujuh (11:15-19)

(Sisipan ketiga: Perempuan dan Perang [12:1-18])

a. Lahirnya Anak laki-laki (12:1-6)

b. Peperangan di Sorga (12:7-12)

c. Penganiayaan perempuan itu (12:13-18)

(Sisipan keempat: Dua binatang [13:1-18])

a. Binatang dari laut (13:2-10)

b. Binatang dari bumi (13:11-18)

(Sisipan kelima: Penghakiman oleh Anak Domba [14:1-20])

a. 144,000 peneymbah Anak Domba (14:1-5)

b. Tiga pengumuman penghakiman dari malaikat (14:6-12)

1) Terhadap seluruh dunia (14:6-7)

2) Terhadap Babel (14:8)

3) Terhadap penyembah binatang itu (14:9-12)

c. Berkat untuk para Martir (14:13)

d. Penghakiman atas tuaian (14:14-16)

e. Penghakiman atas pohon anggur (14:17-20)

D. Tujuh cawan penghakiman (15:1–18:24)

1. Pengumuman penghakiman angung (15:1–16:21)

a. Pendhuluan atas cawan penghakiman (15:1–16:1)

1) Nyanyian Musa dinyanyikan para martir (15:1-4)

2) Tayangan di Sorga tentang para malaikat (15:5–16:1)

b. Cawan pertama (16:2)

c. Cawan kedua (16:3)

d. Cawan ketiga (16:4-7)

e. Cawan keempat (16:8-9)

f. Cawan kelima (16:10-11)

g. Cawan keenam (16:12-16)

h. Cawan ketujuh (16:17-21)

2. Penghakiman atas si Pelacur besar (17:1-18)

a. Penglihatan tentang si pelacur (17:1-6)

b. Arti penglihatan itu (17:7-18)

1) Keadaan di masa sekarang (17:7-8)

2) Penghakiman di masa akan datang (17:9-18)

a) Ketujuh kepala (17:9-11)

b) Sepuluh tanduk (17:12-14)

c) Wanita pelacur (17:15-18)

3. Jatuhnya kota besar (18:1-24)

a. Pengumuman atas jatuhnya Babel (18:1-3)

b. Penyebab kejatuhan (18:4-8)

c. Ratapan atas kejatuhannya (18:9-19)

1) Oleh raja-raja (18:9-10)

2) Oleh pedangang (18:11-17)

3) Oleh para nahkoda (18:18-19)

d. Sukacita atas kejatuhannya (18:20)

e. Akibat kejatuhannya (18:21-24)

E. Tujuh hal terakhir (19:1–22:5)

Kerajaan Seribu tahun (19:1–20:15)

1. Pendahuluan: Pujian atas penghakiman atas wanita Pelacur dan atas perkawinan Penganting (19:1-10)

a. Penghakiman atas wanita pelacur itu (19:1-5)

b. Perkawinan pengantin (19:6-10)

2. Hal terakhir yang pertama: Kedatanga Kristus Keduakali (19:11-16)

3. Hal terakhir yang kedua: Perjamuan dan penyembelihan (19:17-21)

4. Hal terakhir yang ketiga: Setan diikat (20:1-3)

5. Hal terakhir yang keempat: Kerajaan Mesias (20:4-6)

6. Hal terakhir yang kelima: Setan dilepaskan (20:7-10)

7. Hal terakhir yang keenam: Takhta Putih Agung (20:11-15)

Keabadian (21:1–22:5)

8. Hal terakhir yang ketujuh: Langit dan bumi baru (21:1–22:5)

a. Penglihatan dikumandangkan (21:1-2)

b. Langit dan bumi baru: Dikumandangkan dari Takhta (21:1-8)

c. Yerusalem baru: dilihat oleh Yohanes (21:9–22:5)

1) Kota baru (21:9-21)

2) “Bukan-Bait Suci” (21:22-27)

3) Sungai kehidupan (22:1-3a)

4) Cahaya Anak Domba (22:3b-5)

F. Epilog (22:6-21)

1. Kesaksian dari malaikat (22:6-11)

2. Kesaksian dari Yesus (22:12-17)

3. Kesaksian dari Yohanes (22:18-21)


1 Sebenarnya ditulis pada bulan Januari 1992. Hanya sedikit modifikasi telah dibuat.

2 J. F. Walvoord, The Revelation of Jesus Christ, 12.

3 Guthrie, 936. Semua referensi atas Guthrie untuk kitab ini mengacu pada bukunya dalam edisi pertama (1970), bukan dalam edisi refisi.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Lihat E. C. Colwell, The Character of the Greek of the Fourth Gospel (Disertasi Doktor di University of Chicago, 1930; diterbitkan pada 1931).

7 Persoalan mengenai linguistik akan dibahas lebih mendalam pada bagian berikut, dalam bukti internal.

8 Berikut ini adalah terjemahan yang saya lakukan.

9 συγκατατάξαι ταῖς ἑρμηνείαις—atau, mungkin, ‘dirangkaikan dengan penjelasan tampahan lainnya.’

10 ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοί—secara harafiah, ‘sama seperti yang banyak [adalah].’ Jelas ada permainan kata antara ‘namyak hal’ (τὰ πολλά) dan ‘banyak orang’ (οἱ πολλοί).

11 εἰ...ἔλθοι—protasis atas kondisi kelas keempat.

12 Guthrie, 933.

13 Satu pandangan Guthrie, meski perlu diketahui bahwa pernyataan-pernyataan ini adalah wajar dalam literatur yang bersifat wahyu dan yang akan diharapkan oleh pengarang manapun untuk menyampaikan pesannya dalam bentuk tulisan seperti ini. Di saat yang sama, tulisan seperti ini biasanya memerlukan nama yang memiliki otoritas, dan kadang kalau dalam bentuk pseudopigrafik.  Hal ini sebenarnya mendukung kepengarangan apostolik karena pengarang kitab Wahyu tidak merasa perlu untuk menyatakan identitasnya secara eksplisit lebih dari hanya sekedar nama saja.

14 Guthrie mengemukakan bahwa wahyu Petrus kurang bagus dibandingkan dengan tulisan ini karena “nampaknya dimunculkan untuk dikompetisikan dengannya” (937).

15 Guthrie, 940.

16 Guthrie, 949, n. 1.

17 Lihat Guthrie mengenai argumentasi untuk kedua pandangan ini, 949-61. JUga, lihat tesis master oleh Ragan Ewing (Dallas Theological Seminary, 2002) untuk argumentasi-argumentasi yang baik di zaman sebelum 70-an.

18 Sebenarnya, ada kebenaran dalam pandangan idealist, karena pada eskaton yang terakhir, pergumulan antara kebaikan dan kejahatan akan sirna, sebagai satu contoh nyata, atas apa yang selalu dikaitkan dalam perjuangan seperti itu pada prinsipnya.

19 Dalam menghadapi hal ini, lihat M. C. Tenney, Interpreting Revelation, 136-46. Komentar kami disini perlu lebih ringkas.

20 Tenney, ibid., 136.

21 Ibid., 137.

22 Ibid., 138-39.

23 Ibid., 139.

24 Ibid., 142.

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid., 143.

27 Ibid.

28 Karena alasan ini dan alasan-alasan lain juga, yang menuntun saya untuk meyakini bahwa baik pemahaman mengenai penghakiman yang bersifat suksesif maupun yang bersifat rekapitulasi adalah benar. Dalam pendekatan kita, keenam materai penghakiman yang pertama terjadi pada paruh pertama 70 minggu yang dinubuatkan Daniel. Materai yang ketujuh terdapat dalam paruh kedua 70 minggu tersebut. Dalam paruh minggu kedua terdapat ketujuh sangkakala meski enam diantaranya terdapat dalam perempat yang ketiga dalam tribulasi. Terompet ketujuh terdapat dalam perempat yang keempat. Akhirnya, cawan penghakiman yang ketujuh akan semuanya dituangkan pada akhir quartal tribulasi. Tidak hanya pandangan ini cukup simetris (seperti kitab Wahyu itu sendiri), namun nampaknya hal itu mengungkapkan satu intensitas tertentu terhadap penghakiman seiring waktu.

29 Sebenarnya kitab Wahyu telah memiliki garisbesar sendiri, seperti yang terdapat dalam 1:19 sebagai kunci kitab Wahyu (seperti yang digunakan oleh aliran futurist). Garisbesar yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah satu modifikasi dari apa yang dipelajari dari S. Lewis Johnson, Jr., dalam matakuliah “The Book of Revelation” (Dallas Seminary, 1976). Dalam bagiam utama kitab Wahyu (yakni pasal 4–22) terdapat variasi dalam cara bagaimana membuat bagirsbesarnya, yakni bisa yang bersifat kronologis (tribulasi, kerajaan milenial, kekekalan), atau dengan mengikuti susunan yang berkaitan dengan beberapa hal yang berjumlah “tujuh.” Seperti apa yang kami lakukan dalam sejumlah kitab PB, satu pendekatan linear saja hanya memiliki kebenaran setengah. Sebagai kompensasinya, kami akan memasukkan garisbesar kedua yang kami tulis dalam huruf miring (seperti yang kami lakukan dalam perjalanan-perjalanan misi Paulus dalam Kisah Para Rasul), meski itu tidak merupakan bagian resmi dalam garisbesarnya.

Related Topics: Introductions, Arguments, Outlines

Progression Versus Recapitulation in Revelation 20:1-6: Some Overlooked Arguments

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Editorial Preface: This essay was delivered at the 50th annual Evangelical Theological Society conference, held in Danvers, MA in November 1999.

Introduction

In recent years several writers have argued for a preconsummationist perspective1 of Rev 20:1-10, and, for the most part, have adopted a recapitulation approach.2 The preconsummationist/recapitulational/ amillennial view has the following elements: (1) The binding of Satan represents the victory of Christ over the powers of darkness accomplished at the cross. (2) The 1,000 years is symbolic of a long, indeterminate period, corresponding to the age of the church (now). (3) Satan will be loosed briefly to wreak havoc and to persecute the church in the end of the present age. (4) The fire coming from heaven and consuming the wicked is symbolic of Christ’s Second Coming. (5) A general resurrection and judgment of the evil and the good will occur at Christ’s coming, followed by the creation of new heavens and a new earth.3

The postconsummationist/progressive/premillennial viewpoint4 argues: (1) The binding of Satan is yet future. It will take place when Christ returns. (2) The 1,000 years is a literal period during which Christ will reign on earth from Jerusalem, with His people. (3) The loosing of Satan will bring the Millennium to its climax, followed by the resurrection and judgment of the wicked at the Great White Throne. (4) The new heavens and new earth will be created after the Millennium, i.e., 1,000 years after Christ’s Second Coming.5

Premillennialists have argued for this view with the following arguments: (1) It maintains a consistent, literal hermeneutic that allows Israel and the church to fulfill their respective promises. Thus, a literal reading of Rev 19:11–20:10 supports a premillennial view.6 (2) Revelation 20:1-10 contains the fourth and fifth scenes of the seventh bowl judgment (16:17), which is the last of the seven plagues.7 (3) The binding of Satan is absolute, a state which is unknown in history.8 (4) The relation of Satan’s consignment to the lake of fire after the 1000 years (20:7-10) and that of the beast and the false prophet before the 1000 years require a future Millennium.9 (5) The two occurrences of ἔζησαν in 20:4-5 argue for a future Millennium.10

On the other hand, those who hold to a preconsummationist/recapitulation view argue as follows: (1) No other passage of Scripture mentions a 1000-year period. (2) A symbolic interpretation is consistent with the apocalyptic nature of the text. (3) The historic creeds of the church do not mention an intermediate Messianic kingdom between this age and the eternal kingdom.11 Robert Strimple has argued that the NT does not only not teach a future millennial kingdom, it rules out an earthly millennial kingdom following Christ’s return. He defends this assertion by arguing that the NT reveals the following end-time events as concurrent: the Second Coming of Christ, the resurrection and rapture of believers, the resurrection of the unjust, judgment for all, the end, the new heaven and new earth, and the inauguration of the final kingdom of God, the eternal state of the redeemed.12 Partially, this is an issue of philosophy of language: there is not necessarily any correspondence between language and reality. What this means is that language, in and of itself, does not tell us anything either about reality or even a writer’s viewpoint of reality. It only records the writer’s presentation of reality.13 Strimple is correct in asserting that in many places the NT portrays the above mentioned events as concurrent, or at least events that rapidly succeed one another. However, Revelation literarily portrays several events as separated by 1000 years. Secondly, when so many events are associated with the return of Christ, why is it difficult to believe that an intermediate earthly 1000-year kingdom can be part of this complex, especially since an eternal one is associated with it? Thirdly, several OT passages associate certain time periods with the end. Ezekiel 39:9, 11 speaks about burning the weapons of Gog and Magog for seven years after the end-time battle, and of burying the dead for seven months. What is the point of such activities if the new heaven and new earth and the eternal state immediately follow the return of Christ and the conclusion of this battle? Daniel 12:11-12 mentions 1290 days and 1335 days associated with the end. These days certainly overlap with the 1260 days of Rev 12:6, but what is the significance of the extension. One may argue that the numbers are symbolic, but the units of time still keep their temporal significance. Even if the actual time is debatable because of the symbolic significance of the numbers, very few would argue that the actual duration of time is less than the literal referents of the numbers associated with the temporal units of measurement.14 Thus, at least seven years would occur between the coming of Christ and the new heaven and earth.

In addition to the above arguments for a preconsummationist perspective, R. Fowler White has advanced three specific arguments favoring recapitulation (1) the discrepancy between the events depicted in Rev 19:11-21 and Rev 20:1-3; (2) the recapitulation of Rev 19:11-21 in Rev 20:7-10; and (3) the motif of angelic ascent and descent in Revelation.15 Of these arguments, the strongest one by far is the similarities between Rev 19:11-21 and Rev 20:7-10. However, if the case for recapitulation fails in 20:1-6, then 20:7-10 cannot recapitulate 19:11-21. It is this failure which I intend to address. There are three arguments that have been either been insufficiently treated or have been overlooked. These are (1) the imprisonment of Satan as compared to imprisonment and binding language used elsewhere in Revelation and the NT; (2) the reign of the saints in Rev 20:4-6 as compared to the saints reign mentioned elsewhere in Revelation; (2) the significance of the accusative for extent of time of χίλια ἔτη.16

The Imprisonment of Satan in Rev 20:1-3

Preconsummationists have typically argued that the binding and imprisonment of Satan is not absolute, but only restrains him in preventing “all people” throughout the earth from being drawn to Jesus (John 12:31-32).17 For the most part, the argument for such a limited interpretation of the imprisonment imagery is that the context contains a purpose statement (ἵνα μὴ πλανήσῃ ἔτι τὰ ἔθνη ἄχρι τελεσθῇ τὰ χίλια ἔτη; so that he should not deceive the nations any longer, until the thousand years were completed). Beale argues, “Therefore, the context, and not the metaphor itself, must determine what degree of restriction is intended.”18 While this is true per se, a purpose statement can only state why an action of imprisonment is taken, not the degree of restriction intended. For example, if a warden says that he is putting a prisoner in solitary confinement, in order that he will no longer kill any more prisoners, this does not mean the prisoner is free to steal and do other such activities. The purpose statement does not determine the degree of restriction at all; it is determined by the language used for the restriction. Before we examine the details of Satan’s imprisonment, it is helpful to examine binding and imprisonment imagery elsewhere in Revelation and the NT.

There are two other examples of imprisonment and binding imagery used in Revelation, both in chapter nine.19 The first example is associated with the fifth trumpet. In this vision, an angel (ἀστέρα ἐκ τοὺς οὐρανούς) releases demonic locusts who are imprisoned in the pit of the abyss (τὸ φρέαρ τῆς ἀβύσσου). The abyss is closely associated with the realm of the dead (cf. Rom 10:17).20 However, it seems mostly related to Satan and his allies (cf. Luke 8:31; Rev 9:1; 11:7; 17:8). It is also a place that is undesirable to the demonic legions. The Legion of Luke 8:27-33 pleads with Jesus not to send them to the abyss. The demons of Rev 9:1-11 are confined there, as well as Satan in 20:1-3. If the abyss is part of the realm of the dead, then those who dwell in it do not have access to the realm of living humanity. The use of confinement language reinforces this understanding. The demonic locusts inflict harm upon unbelieving humanity upon their release.21 This suggests that the demonic locusts confined to the abyss have had no contact with the realm of the living from the point of their imprisonment to the point of their release.

The second instance of binding and imprisonment imagery in Revelation is in 9:14-15, where four angels that are bound at the Euphrates are released. The purpose of these angels is to kill a third of mankind. It could be argued that they are only restrained from killing mankind before their time, but the way the sentence is constructed suggests that this is their sole function and have been bound so that they would not execute this function before their time.22 Thus, the binding seems absolute.

There are four (possibly five) other references to the binding of Satan or imprisonment of demons. The first is in Matt 12:29 (Mark 3:27).23 The reference is in the context of the Beelzebul controversy, where Jesus is accused of casting out demons by the power of Satan. Jesus argues that if Satan was to do such a thing, his kingdom would fall and his power would be broken. He then uses the illustration of a strong man, who is bound by a stronger man, who then plunders the strong man’s house. Many preconsummationists appeal to this parable to argue that Satan’s binding in Rev 20:1-3 is not absolute.24 The binding of Satan does not restrict all of Satan’s activities, but simply demonstrates that Jesus is sovereign over him and his demonic forces. However, the binding imagery used is in a parable about a thief plundering a house. The binding is neither meant to be completely restrictive, nor permanent. In this case, the context does limit the extent of the binding, but not through the use of a purpose statement. Instead the activity of Jesus is clearly revealed, and the consequences for Satan are delineated. The parallel in Luke 11:22 demonstrates that the binding is not an image of imprisonment, but of conquest. The details in Rev 20:1-3 are quite different. It is part of a visionary sequence in which the imprisonment of Satan has an impact on the other elements of the sequence. In Rev 20:1-3 an angel imprisons Satan and he is prevented from deceiving the world. In Matt 12:29 and the parallels, Christ himself binds Satan, and Satan is helpless from keeping Christ from exercising His authority over the demons. The two passages have more differences than they do similarities.

The other two examples are also parallel passages: 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6.25 Both passages speak of fallen angels who sinned. In 2 Pet 2:4, the angels are committed to Tartaras and kept in chains26 for judgment (σειραῖς ζόφου ταρταρώσας παρέδωκεν εἰς κρίσιν τηρουμένους). Jude 6 describes the angels as kept in eternal bonds under darkness for judgment (εἰς κρίσιν μεγάλης ἡμέρας δεσμοῖς ἀϊδίοις ὑπὸ ζόφον τετήρηκεν). Both passages may be related to 1 Enoch 10:4-14; 18:11-16; 19:1; 21:7-10; 54:1-6; 88:1-3; 90:23-26; Jub. 5:6-14 in which fallen angels are described as bound and imprisoned. Some argue that the imprisoned angels refer to all rebellious angels who live in spiritual darkness and are chained to their sentence of divine judgment.27 However, this waters down the imagery and ignores the parallels in the Pseudepigrapha. The fact that Rev 9:1-21 describes two different groups of imprisoned angels also suggests that the entire demonic realm is not imprisoned. The imagery of 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6 is similar to that of Rev 9:1-3. It may be that the demons that are released at the sounding of the fifth trumpet are those that are imprisoned in 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6. Whatever the case, the imprisonment imagery appears to be absolute.28

Having examined the other references in the NT to the binding and imprisonment of Satan and his demons, Rev 20:1-3 needs to be considered. Here Satan is bound with a great chain (ἅλυσιν μεγάλη), cast into the abyss, the abyss is then shut, locked,29 and sealed (ἔβαλεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον καὶ ἔκλεισεν καὶ ἐσφράγισεν ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ). This is the most extensive description of imprisonment anywhere in the NT. If the other references to the imprisonment imagery refer to absolute confinement, then this passage must also. There seems to be no other reason for the extensiveness of the imagery. John went to great lengths to make clear that Satan is to be cut off from the realm of humanity for 1000 years. In all the above cases where imprisonment, and not simply conquest, are involved, the imagery should be taken in a straightforward manner and is comparable to the effects of imprisonment in the human world in AD first century. Humans who are imprisoned, especially those in solitary confinement, have little or no contact with the outside world. Satan also will have no contact with the world outside of the abyss when he is imprisoned.30

Before leaving this issue, there are a few other matters that need to be addressed that make the recapitulation view of Rev 20:1-3 unlikely. These are: (1) the supposed parallelism between 20:1-3, 9:1-11, and 12:7-11, (2) the nature of the deception in 20:3, and (3) the referent to τὰ ἔθνη in 20:3. The similarities and differences of these three passages are depicted in the following table:

Rev 9:1-11

Rev 12:7-11

Rev 20:1-3

heavenly scene (7)

heavenly scene (1)

angelic battle against Satan and his host (7-8)

presupposed angelic battle with Satan (2)

A star falls from heaven to earth (1)

Satan cast to earth (9)

Satan cast into the abyss (3)

The star is given the key to the abyss (2)

The angel holds the key of the abyss (1)

The star opens the abyss and releases the demons (2-10)

Satan is shut and sealed in the abyss for 1000 years

The king over the demons is the angel of the abyss, Abbadon/Apollyon (11)

the angel’s evil opponent called “the great dragon, the serpent of old who is called the devil and Satan, who deceives the whole world” (9)

the angel’s evil opponent called “the great dragon, the serpent of old who is called the devil and Satan, restrained from deceiving the nations any longer (2-3)

Satan’s expression of “great wrath because he knows he has only a short time” (12b)

Satan to be “released for a short time” after his imprisonment (3)

Beale argues that these three visions depict the same or synchronous events that mutually interpret one another.31 While the similarities are noted, it is the differences that stand out. In 9:1-11, a fallen angel, presumably Satan,32 opens the abyss and releases the demonic forces. In Rev 20:1-3, the key is removed from Satan and given to a good angel, who then casts Satan into the abyss and uses the key to shut him in for 1000 years. While there may be some flexibility in apocalyptic imagery, two visions cannot contradict one another. The two visions cannot be synchronous because Satan cannot be using the key to open the abyss to release demonic forces, and at the same time, he is being cast into the abyss and locked in it for 1000 years. To interpret the visions as synchronous events does tremendous violence not only to the imagery being used, but also to the plot and story of Revelation itself. Thus, it seems that Satan is enclosed in the abyss at some time after he has released the demons because Rev 20:1-3 depicts him as being deprived of the key he once possessed in the plot sequence.

The parallels between 12:7-11 and 20:1-3 are perhaps more striking, but the differences are just as significant. The first difference involves the origin and destination of the casting of Satan. In 12:7-11, Satan is cast from heaven to the earth, and a place for Satan in heaven is no longer found (τόπος εὑρέθη αὐτῶν ἔτι ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. καὶ ἐβλήθη ὁ δράκων ὁ μέγας). Heaven rejoices over this act because Satan who is the accuser of the brethren is thrown down. This suggests that Satan no longer has access to heaven.33 His activity is confined to the earth. However, in 20:1-3, Satan is cast from earth, presumably, into the abyss, which is then shut and sealed. Both the imagery of being cast from one sphere to another and the imprisonment imagery strengthens the conclusion that Satan has no access to earth, the realm of humanity, and therefore, his confinement is absolute.34

The second difference is that the expulsion of Satan from heaven has different results than the casting of Satan into the abyss. The former event results in increased persecution for believers and deception for unbelievers. Satan’s confinement in  the abyss prevents Satan’s deception of the nations, and presumably, lessens the persecution of the church.35

The third difference is the difference of times involved. In 12:12, the dragon has only a “short time” (ὀλίγον καιρὸν), which is apparently the “three and a half years” or equivalent period (11:2-3; 12:6, 14). However, in 20:3 Satan is imprisoned for 1000 years and then is to be released for a short time (ἄχρι τελεσθῇ τὰ χίλια ἔτη. μετὰ ταῦτα δεῖ λυθῆναι αὐτὸν μικρὸν χρόνον). Beale argues that there is a temporal overlap between the “short time” of 12:12 and the “short time” of 20:3.36 The latter period occurs at the very end of the former period. The 1000 years are equal to the church age and the three and a half years are equal to the church age plus the “short time” of 20:3. The 1000 years are figurative for a long era and the ultimate victory of the saints.37 However, this would mean that the “short time” of three and a half years is longer than the “long era” of 1000 years. This overly symbolic approach is to strip the units and designations of time of all temporal significance. No measurement of time has any temporal significance, and even their symbolic meaning is relative. This leads only to confusion, and suggests that God had no intention of revealing his calendar and timetable. But the frequent use of temporal units suggests otherwise. It is exegetically inconsistent to relativize the different temporal periods to such a degree. Whatever the merits are of literal versus symbolic interpretation of numbers and periods of time, the designation for a brief period of time (three and a half years) should certainly not exceed the designation for a long period of time (1000 years). 38

The nature of deception and the referent of τὰ ἔθνη in 20:3 are two issues that need to be discussed together. Beale follows R. Fowler White in arguing that τὰ ἔθνη most likely refers to the unbelieving of the nations, since that is the referent in 19:15 and 20:8.39 This is then used to argue that the visions of 19:11-21 and 20:1-3 do not logically cohere, if they are taken progressively. Since the nations have been destroyed in 19:21, it makes no sense to speak of protecting them from deception in 20:1-3. However, this looks at the situation a bit too ingressively. True, the nations are destroyed in 19:21, but that does not mean that they cannot be later reconstituted under the Messianic King (Isa 2:4; 11:10-16; Zech 14:16-21). There will be at least believing survivors among the nations; they and their descendants will make up the reconstituted nations.40 The protection from the nations from Satan’s deception is viewed as a whole, not at just the beginning of the 1000-year period. With this in view, it is best to see τὰ ἔθνη as entities in and of themselves, and not in terms of unbelievers versus believers. Indeed, it was the unbelievers that were victims of Satan’s  deception in 16:1-16 and 19:20, and will be in 20:7-10, but this has an effect on the nations as a whole. It is this effect that the nations are protected from during the Millennium.

As to the deception itself, it is a bit unclear how the preconsummationists exactly view it. Beale refers to this deception several times, but never in quite the same way. Note the following statements.

It is suggested that the “most reasonable antecedent for ἔτι… would be the deceptive action of Satan through or in conjunction with the deceptive ministry of the beast and false prophet (19:20).” This is possible, but, even if it is correct, the deceptive activity of the devil through his agents could refer to an earlier period of deception by the beast and false prophet before the end. This earlier phase of deception throughout the church age is narrated in ch. 13. That 20:3 refers, in fact, to an earlier or at least broader period of deception than merely the end of history is indicated by the fact that the title for Satan in 20:2 is a verbatim quotation from 12:9, where the name “the ancient serpent…the devil and Satan” is directly followed by “the one deceiving the whole inhabited earth.” The reference to deception in 12:9 refers to Satan’s deception in the OT era continuing on into the NT era…41

That Satan is “cast out” (ἐκβάλλω) by Christ’s death does not restrict Satan in every way. Rather, it keeps him from preventing “all people” throughout the earth being drawn to Jesus (John 12:31-32).42

Throughout the time between Christ’s first and second comings, Satan will not be able to deceive any of “the full number” (6:11) of those purchased by Christ because they have been “sealed” (see on 7:1-8). When “the full number” has been gathered in, then the devil will be permitted to deceive the majority living at the end of history, causing them not only to be blinded by the truth of Christ but also to seek to annihilate Christ’s followers.43

During the age preceding Christ’s final coming not all of Satan’s deceiving activities are curtailed by the binding of vv 2-3 but only his deception of the nations, which will result in the nations coming together to attempt to destroy the entire community of faith on earth. Hence, during the age when Christ “builds his church…the gates of hell will not prevail over” the church’s growth because “the keys of the kingdom” have been given to the church to overcome Satan’s deception against it (Matt 16:18-19). But at the end of the age, persecution by deceived multitudes will break out against the church, such that it would vanish were it not for God’s intervention on its behalf (so also Mark 13:19-22; Matt. 24:21-24).44

Included also in the restraint on the devil’s deceiving activity is that he is not able to delude and mount hostile attack against the covenant community during the age after Christ’s resurrection in the way that he formerly did45

Rev. 12:2-5 telescopes this process of Satanic oppression against the covenant community climaxing with Christ’s death and resurrection. All who subsequently identify with Jesus as true Israel begin to fulfill the commission to be a light to the nations, so that Satan’s veil of deception over the nations is lifted (cf. Isa. 49:6; Luke 2:32; Acts 13:47; 26:18, 23). This means that the devil will not be able to stop the spread of the preaching of the gospel or its expanding reception (= the church) during most of the age preceding Christ’s return.46

The nature of the binding in 20:3 is contextually determined and defined by 20:7-9 as a temporary divine power keeping Satan from mounting a worldwide force to destroy God’s community of saints on earth.47

Apparently, Beale sees two sides to the deception of the nations. Satan is not able to deceive the nations in the sense that he cannot stop the spread and reception of the gospel, and he cannot deceive a worldwide force into attempting to destroy God’s community of saints. It also appears that he views the latter as a result of the former. This not necessarily a problem in and of itself, but it does pose a problem with his view of τὰ ἔθνη. Beale articulates his view of the deception in such a way that the emphasis is on preventing Satan in deceiving the elect. However, he sees τὰ ἔθνη as referring to the unbelieving of the nations, rather than the elect. This problem is removed if he adopts the view of τὰ ἔθνη that I have suggested above, but in so doing he must abandon the only substantial objection against the progressive interpretation.

However, there is a more serious problem than this. Beale admits that ἔτι refers back to Satan’s previous deceptive activities. However, he sees the imprisonment imagery as merely preventing him from deceiving the nations as he once did, i.e., in the OT era. There are several problems with this. First, he seems to interpret the deception in terms of its degree of success and failure, not in terms of its attempt. While admitting that Satan will ultimately fail in his objective of destroying the covenant community, he, nevertheless views Satan continuously attempting such a goal, and only at the end does he succeed in mounting a worldwide lethal attack. However, the imprisonment imagery argues more for the idea that Satan will be prevented from even making the attempt at deceiving the nations, while the purpose clause makes it clear that he will not have any success, not simply limited success.

Second, Beale’s interpretation of Rev 12:7–13:18 views deception occurring throughout the church age. However, this is the very deception from which he is prevented from doing. While he may be correct that the deception ultimately in mind is the worldwide deception reflected in 19:20 (cf. 20:8), Rev 13:14 also reflects a worldwide deception and refers to the worship of the beast and his image. Revelation makes no distinction between the deception in 13:14 and 19:20.

Third, the deception of the nations seems to be a bit broader than what Beale has suggested. It does not refer simply to a worldwide lethal attack against the covenant community. It also includes the worship of the beast and rebellion against Christ as Rev 13:14-18 and 19:19-20 makes clear. This worldwide worship of the beast takes place during the church age, according to Beale and other preconsummationists. Again, it is this very deception that 20:3 states will not occur.

Finally, this view of deception is historically insensitive. There has been widespread deception and persecution towards the church throughout the church age. Persecution of the church was initiated under the reigns of Nero, Domitian and Diocletian, the last, at least, was empire wide. The bastions of Christianity of Asia Minor and North Africa in the first six centuries have all been under Muslim control for the past several centuries.48 Three quarters of the earth’s population are still Islamic, Buddhist, or Hindu. Communism in the 20th century has threatened to stamp out Christianity.49 All of this suggests that Satan is very much at the business of “deceiving the nations” and is having more success than he is failure.50

To summarize, the recapitulation/preconsummationist view of Rev 20:1-3 fails on the following points: (1) Its nonabsolute confinement interpretation is inconsistent both with the imagery and confinement imagery used here and elsewhere in Revelation and the NT. (2) Identifying Rev 9:1-11, 12:7-11, and 20:1-3 as the same or synchronous events either makes the visions contradictory or introduces inconsistent elements into the symbolism. (3) The view of τὰ ἔθνη is inconsistent with their interpretation of the deception. (4) The interpretation of the deception is inconsistent when Rev 13:14 and 19:20 are compared. (5) Finally, it is historically insensitive.

The Reign of the Saints in Rev 20:4-6

The recapitulation view argues that the reign of the saints in 20:4-6 refers to the reign of martyred saints in heaven throughout the church age.51 The major problem with this view is that it is inconsistent with the references to the saints’ reign elsewhere in Revelation. The emphasis in Revelation is a future reign on the earth that is part of the reward which the saints receive at Christ’s coming. While Revelation does seem to express “conditional comings” (2:5, 16), these appear to refer to judgments within the church, not to rewards for the overcomers.52 The rewards for the saints are explicitly associated with the Second Coming in 11:18 and 22:12. Thus, the reward of the reign of the saints should also have reference to Christ’s Second Coming.53 The reward of ruling the nations in 2:25-29 better fits with the eschatological reign since Ps 2:8-9 is also alluded to in Rev 19:15. Christ’s coming in 3:11 is mentioned in reference to the reward of 3:12, which is associated with the New Jerusalem. Revelation 3:21 refers to sitting with Christ on His throne as a reward for maintaining a faithful witness. This reward, in the absence of any contrary evidence, would primarily refer to the rule granted to the overcomer at the Second Coming.

Revelation 5:10 makes it clear  that the reign of the saints is on the earth. If one adopts the reading of the future indicative βασιλεύσουσιν, then that reign is also future and would occur only after the Second Coming.54 This reference and Rev 20:6 also draw two significant concepts together: the priestly service and reigning with Christ.55 Revelation 20:6 may be John’s focal point for fulfilling the reign-on-earth promise of 5:10.56 Revelation 22:5 also refers to a future eternal reign on the new earth. While this is not synonymous with the reign of the saints in Rev 20:4-6, there may be temporal overlap. The reign of the saints in the Millennium could be included in the eternal reign.57 Even if the two references should be distinguished, the eternal reign still emphasizes a future reign on the earth. Therefore, due to the absence of any explicit reference of heaven in 20:4-6, and the emphasis of a future reign on earth as a reward presented at Christ’s Second Coming elsewhere in Revelation, the reigning of the saints should also be understood as referring to a postconsummationist reign on the earth with Christ.

The Significance of the Accusative for Extent of Time

Each reference to the 1000 years in Rev 20:1-6 is in the accusative case and is used to denote extent of time. Wallace explains the difference between the genitive, dative, and accusative of time:

One way to remember the distinctions between the cases used for time is to remember the root idea of each case. However, under the five-case system this may prove a bit confusing. Therefore, for the cases used for time, it may be helpful to think in terms of the eight-case system. The root idea of the genitive is kind. Thus, the genitive of time expresses the kind of time or time within which. The root idea of the locative (not dat.) is position, expressing point in time. The root idea for the accusative is extent. Thus the accusative of time expresses the extent of time.58

Thus, Satan is imprisoned for the extent of the entire 1000-year period, and for this same time period the saints reign with Christ. The significance of the accusative in 20:4-6 is that all the saints reign for this period. The entire group begins the reign together and continues the reign for the entire period. In the preconsummationist/recapitulation view, the martyred saints enter into their reign with Christ upon their death sometime after the 1000-year period has begun. In effect, the entrance of the martyred saints into their reign is distributed throughout the Millennial period, some not entering into it until the period is almost over. However, if this understanding were correct, the genitive of time would be more suitable. All other occurrences of groups or plural subjects with the accusative of extent of time in the NT have the entire group beginning and ending the period of time together.59 This, then, would require the Millennium to begin after the church period following the return of Christ, since this is the first time the martyred saints could begin a reign as an entire group, including every individual. The significance of this point is often overlooked and has not been discussed in the literature.

Conclusion

The progressive/postconsummationist view of Rev 20:1-6 should be preferred over the recapitulation/ preconsummationist view for the following reasons: (1) the absolute sense of the imprisonment imagery in 20:1-3, (2) the future and earthly orientation of the saints reign throughout the Apocalypse, including this passage, (3) the use and significance of the accusative for extent of time for χίλια ἔτη in reference to the reign of the saints in 20:4-6. There are many other issues that could be discussed and that have been in the literature; however, these three arguments have not been given the attention they deserve, and they make a strong case for the progressive/postconsummationist/premillennial view of Rev 20:1-6.


1 A preconsummationist view sees the events of Rev 20:1-6 as occurring before the physical return of Christ. This would apply to those who hold both amillennial and postmillennial views of Rev 20:1-10, although the postmillennial view holds to chronological progression between Rev 19:11-21 and 20:1-6 rather than Rev 20:1-6 going back to the beginning of the church age (recapitulation). However, postmillennialists and amillennialists interpret Rev 20:1-10 in very much the same way; their differences lie in the interpretation of Rev 19:11-21.

2 G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation, NIGTC, ed. I. Howard Marshall and Donald Hagner (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 144-51, 972-1031; Don Garlington, “Reigning with Christ: Revelation 20:1-6 in It's Salvation-Historical Setting,” BRT 4 (Spring 1994): 4-37; Vern S. Poythress, “Genre and Hermeneutics in Rev 20:1-6,” JETS 36 (March 1993): 41-54; R. Fowler White, “Reexamining the Evidence for Recapitulation in Rev 20:1-10,” WTJ 51 (Fall 1989): 319-44; idem. “Making Sense of Rev 20:1-10? Harold Hoehner Versus Recapitulation,” JETS 37 (December 1994): 539-51; idem. “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Rev 20:1-3: A Preconsummationist Perspective,” JETS 42 (March 1999): 53-66.

3 Steve Gregg, ed., Revelation: Four Views: A Parallel Commentary (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1997), 457.

4 A postconsummationist view would see the events of Rev 20:1-6 following the events of Rev 19:11-21. Thus, it denotes chronological progression between the two passages, and is essentially premillennial.

5 Ibid.

6 Herman A. Hoyt, “Dispensational Premillennialism,” in The Meaning of the Millennium: Four Views, ed. Robert G. Clouse (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1977), 66-68.

7 David J. MacLeod, “The Third “Last Thing": The Binding of Satan (Rev. 20:1-3),” BSac 156, no. 624 (October 1999): 469-86; Robert L. Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” in Four Views on the Book of Revelation, ed. C. Marvin Pate, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998), 204; Revelation 8-22, WEC (Chicago: Moody Press, 1995), 567-85.

8 MacLeod, “The Third “Last Thing,"“ 479-82; Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” 205; Revelation 8-22, 405.

9 Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” 205.

10 Jack S. Deere, “Premillennialism in Revelation 20:4-6,” BSac 135, no. 537 (January 1978): 65-69; George Eldon Ladd, “Historic Premillenialism,” in The Meaning of the Millennium: Four Views, ed. Robert G. Clouse (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1977), 17-46; Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” 206; Revelation 8-22, 416-17.

11 Sam Hamstra Jr., “An Idealist View of Revelation,” in Four views on the Book of Revelation, ed. C. Marvin Pate, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998), 121.

12 Robert B. Strimple, “Amillennialism,” in Three Views on the Millennium and Beyond, ed. Darrell L. Bock, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 100-01; “An Amillennial Response to Craig A. Blaising,” in Three Views on the Millennium and Beyond, ed. Darrell L. Bock, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 264.

13 Daniel B. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics: An Exegetical Syntax of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996), 10-11.

14 This is especially true of the 1290 days and 1335 days of Dan 12:11-12 since Beale, The Book of Revelation, 993 (and other preconsummationists) argues that the 1260 days refers to the church age which now includes about two millennia.

15 R. Fowler White, “Reexamining the Evidence,” 219-44; “Making Sense of Rev 20:1-10?” 539-51.

16 These arguments do not address the previously cited arguments per se, although they do address White's first argument. For a critique of White's third argument see Craig A. Blaising, “Premillennialism,” in Three Views on the Millennium and Beyond, ed. Darrell L. Bock, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 215-217, fn. 86.

17 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 985-96; Hamstra, “Idealist,” 120; Strimple, “Amillennialism,” 121-24; R. Fowler White, “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Rev 20:1-3,” 62-65.

18 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 985.

19 The reference to the devil casting the saints into prison for ten days in Rev 2:10 is not being considered because it is a literal referent and does not involve the imprisonment of Satan or his minions. However, it is interesting to see that while the saints are confined for ten days, their “warden” will himself be imprisoned for 1000 years. It is possible that the passages have some kind of relationship. What was true of the saints’ imprisonment may even be more true of Satan.

20 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 984 sees the abyss as a synonym for “death and Hades.” However, it seems that they are distinct. Only the demonic are related to the abyss in Revelation. Death and Hades seem mostly related to humanity. In Rev 6:8 death and Hades are personalized and represent the judgment of death upon humanity, death is the experience and Hades is the destination. Death and Hades are again used figuratively in 20:13-14 for those who dwell in Hades and have experienced death as judgment. In the NT, Hades always appears to be the place of the unbelieving dead (Matt. 11:23; 16:18; 10:15; Luke 16:23; 2:27; Acts 2:31; Rev. 1:18; Rev. 6:8; 20:13, 14), and is a realm from which they cannot escape. Beale, 987, also argues that “the abyss is one of the various metaphors representing the spiritual sphere in which the devil and his accomplices operate…” and this sphere “represents a spiritual dimension existing alongside of and in the midst of the earthly…” However, this does violence to the imprisonment imagery of  both 9:1-11 and 20:1-3. In every reference to the abyss, the being or beings which are contained in it must emerge from it in order to interact with the human realm. This suggests that the sphere of the abyss, like the realm of the dead, is separate from the realm of living humanity, and those who dwell in the abyss have no contact with those outside that sphere. This may explain why the demons of Luke 8:31 pleaded with Jesus not to send them to the abyss. It is a place of judgment with no contact with the sphere of humanity. Thus, it is not “overly literalistic” to see the abyss as separate from the earth (Ibid.).

21 Under preconsummationist exegesis, this would refer primarily to spiritual harm (Beale, The Book of Revelation, 496; Gregg, Revelation: Four Views, 177). However, the demonic forces have always had this authority. This leads to the conclusion that this group of demons have not had this authority, and thus have not had contact with the realm of living humanity.

22 The inclusion of the adjectival participial clause, οἱ ἡτοιμασμένοι εἰς τὴν ὥραν και; ἡμέραν καὶ μῆνα καὶ ἐνιαυτόν, suggests that the angels were prepared solely for this purpose at this time. If the four angels are identified with the four winds of 7:1 (see Beale, The Book of Revelation, 507-08) this understanding would be reinforced.

23 The parallel in Luke 11:22 uses conquest imagery, rather an binding imagery. The stronger man overcomes the strong man, takes away his armor, and plunders his house.

24 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 985; Hamstra, “Idealist,” 120; Strimple, “Amillennialism,” 122.

25 First Peter 3:19 makes mention of “spirits in prison” (τοῖς ἐν φυλακῇ πνεύμασιν) to whom Christ preached between his death and resurrection or resurrection and ascension. It is uncertain whether these spirits refer to fallen angels or the spirits of wicked men during the time of Noah. If it refers to fallen angels, then this reference would be parallel to 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6. Either way, the spirits appear to be confined absolutely.

26 Or pits if σιροῖς is read. א (A B C 81: σει-) pc h vgms; Aug Cass read σιροῖς. ¸72 P Ψ 33 1739 ÷ vg sy read σειραῖς. Either way, the imprisonment imagery is preserved.

27 Simon J. Kistemaker, Peter and Jude, NTC (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1978), 378-79.

28 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 989 appears to admit this, however, he sees the imprisoned angels as active on earth subsequent to their imprisonment (990). It is uncertain whether he views the entire realm to be involved or not. Nevertheless, Rev 9:1-17 depicts two different groups of imprisoned demons, so the entire demonic realm is probably not in view. Beale does see absolute confinement involved in Tob 8:3; 1 Enoch 18:11–19:3; 88:1-3; Jub. 5:6-14. However, he disputes absolute confinement in T. Levi 18:12 and Jub. 48:15-17. However, the binding imagery in the former reference does not include imprisonment, so it is probably an image of conquest and authority. In Jub. 48:15-17 Beale again makes the mistake of assuming a purpose clause limits the degree of confinement. Mastema is bound and imprisoned so that he might not accuse the children of Israel. But an absolute confinement would also accomplish that imprisonment. Beale may be correct that Gos. Nic (=Act Pil.) 22:2 refers to non-absolute confinement since the time is specifically designated as between the death of Christ and His Second Coming. This passage may reflect an early preconsummationist understanding of Rev 20:1-3, if the author was familiar with Revelation. More likely it is an imaginative elaboration on Matt 12:29 (cf. Gos. Nic. 20:2 and the dialogue between Satan and Hades). Most commentators agree that ultimately the imprisonment imagery of Rev 20:1-3 is derived from Isa 24:21-22 where the Lord will confine the hosts of heaven and the kings of the earth like prisoners in a dungeon until the day of their final judgment comes. This also suggests absolute confinement since prisoners in a dungeon have no contact with the outside world.

White, “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Rev 20:1-3,” 62-63 argues that the dragon's fate is analogous to but not identical to the fate of Satan in history. He argues that John in Revelation adopts the victory-house building paradigm, which includes God's conquest of the dragon, as hermeneutical of the historical events linked with Christ's death/exaltation. He also argues that in other texts where anti-creative/anti-redemptive animal imagery is applied to an entity in history, the monster's fate in the epic idiom is only analogous, and not identical to its fate in history. However, this would then be problematic with the fate of the beast and false prophet in Rev 19:20, and Satan in 20:10, who all are consigned to the lake of fire. Is this depiction only analogous to their fate in history? What would be the analogy to the lake of fire? Would this also be true of the dead in Rev 20:15? On the other hand, if the depiction of the ultimate destiny of the beast, false prophet, Satan, and the dead do correspond to their fate in history, on what basis would one make an exception in this case, but not in the case of Satan's imprisonment in 20:1-3? In light of this problem, it seems best to see the epic imagery as not necessarily analogous in 19:11–20:15, but, indeed, corresponding to their respective fates in history.

29 The idea of “locked” is implied in ἔκλεισεν since the related word κλεῖν  refers to the key.

30 Although not mentioned explicitly, it is implied that those under Satan are also imprisoned. This is also the assumption in Rev 20:10 where the devil is thrown into the lake of fire. Although no mention is made about the fate of Satan's minions, it is unlikely that they would be excluded from their master's judgment. Also, the images of the abyss and binding in the Jewish writings and the NT do refer to demons being imprisoned, and this suggests that this would be the case as well in Rev 20:1-3. Beale, The Book of Revelation, 990 argues that the concept of the “abyss” in Revelation is non-absolute. He notes that in 6:8 “Hades” exercises its influence over the people of the earth. However, he mistakenly assumes that the realm of the dead (Hades) and the Satanic realm are the same. While Satan has the power of death, he does not have power over the dead. He cannot raise the dead, nor release the dead from Hades. In fact, it is only when the key is given him that he can release the demons in Rev 9:1-11 or, presumably, the beast in 11:7. In Rev 6:8, Death and Hades are personalized for the judgment of death that is executed on the earth. While Satan and his minions are certainly involved in this judgment, the inhabitants of Hades are not coming forth to execute it. The shutting up of the pit is metaphorical for an absolute removal of influence, rather than a limited curtailment of influence, but this does not rule out the probability that it is a sphere of the spiritual world which prevents access to the physical world.

31 Ibid., 986, 992.

32 Ibid., 492, 987.

33 The amillennial/recapitulation interpretation of Rev 12:9-11 raises the question of whether or not Satan's accusing activities have ended. If Satan's casting from heaven is the result of Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, then this text would mean that Satan is no longer permitted to accuse the brethren during the church age. However, there are several texts that suggest that Satan continues his accusing activities during the present age. Romans 8:33-34, Heb 7:24-25 and 1 John 2:1-2 refer to Christ as an intercessor and advocate before the Father. The courtroom imagery suggests that there is an accuser, even though his accusations are overruled.

34 William J. Webb, “Revelation 20: Exegetical Considerations,” BRT 4, no. 2 (Fall 1994): 24 makes the same argument, although he does not discuss the significance of the casting imagery. Beale, The Book of Revelation, 994 simply dismisses this argument by asserting that the different portrayals mutually interpret one another. Part of this is due to his misconception that the abyss is a sphere of demonic activity, rather than captivity.

35 Webb, “ Revelation 20,” 21, 24, fn. 51. Beale, The Book of Revelation, 995 replies to this point by arguing that the increase in persecution of the church does not mean an increase in deception. However, Satan is called “the deceiver of the whole earth” ( πλανῶν τὴν οἰκουμένην ὅλην) in 12:9 and is behind the deceptive activities of the beast and false prophet in 13:14 (πλανᾷ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς).

36 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 993.

37 Ibid., 995, 1018. Beale confesses that the meaning of “long era” is not the primary point, but he seems to think that it is part of the meaning. But other amillennialists do see this as the meaning. See Gregg, Revelation: Four Views, 466, 468.

38 It is very likely that the different designations in Rev 11:2-3, 12:6, 14 should be taken literally since they all equal the same length of time. Also, even if the number is symbolic, it should at least be some approximation to the length of time designated. However, to be fair, it is possible that under the idealist approach this kind of contradiction could make some logical sense, but that sense is not at all obvious, and it requires much explanation. It also has the additional problem of finding other examples that are not equally disputable. Thus, this involves the larger problem of hermeneutical control.

39 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 981; White, “Reexamining the Evidence for Recapitulation,” 321; “Making Sense,” 540-41.

40 To argue that the redeemed from among the nations will be placed within the Divine Warrior’s kingdom-protectorate  (White, “Reexamining the Evidence for Recapitulation,” 324) is of little value since the whole world will constitute Messiah's kingdom-protectorate. The nations would be subgroups within this protectorate.

41 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 983.

42 Ibid., 985.

43 Ibid., 986-87.

44 Ibid., 987.

45 Ibid., 988.

46 Ibid.

47 Ibid., 990. Incredibly, later he argues that an increase in persecution in 12:11-17 does not lead to the conclusion that there is an increase in deception (995).

48 This includes all of the churches addressed in Revelation.

49 See David J. MacLeod, “The Third “Last Thing": The Binding of Satan (Rev. 20:1-3),” BSac 156, no. 624 (October 1999):480-81.

50 White, “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Revelation 20:1-3,” 65 argues that Satan's deception of the nations refers strictly to the gathering of nations worldwide “for the age-ending battle against the Divine Warrior.” However, this still has the problem of the ἔτι of 20:3 which would refer back both chronologically and literarily to a previous world-wide battle against Christ. This is the battle depicted in 19:11-21. Also, the deception of the nations mentioned in 19:20 is associated with the beast and the false prophet, thus, there seems to be little basis for seeing a distinction between the deception of the dragon and his agents.

51 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 991-1007; Gregg, Revelation: Four Views, 464, 466, 468, 470, 472; Hamstra, “ Idealist,” 84-85; Strimple, “Amillennialism,” 125-27.

52 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 197-99 argues that the “coming” in 1:7 and elsewhere in Revelation is a process occurring throughout history, and that the process is concluded by the “second coming.” These “comings” in blessing and judgment throughout history are a manifestation of Christ's eschatological authority. Beale seems to emphasize the inaugurated eschatology aspects of Christ's coming too much. His argument that the allusion to Dan 7:13 in Christ's coming with the clouds includes the whole course of church history is a bit weak. His denial of a reference to the Second Coming in Mark 13:26 and 14:62 is certainly uncalled for, since Jesus may have both AD 70 and his Second Coming in view. He also overlooks that Dan 7:13 is also alluded to in 1 Thess 4:16-17, which is certainly a reference to Christ's coming for His saints (and the Second Coming according to amillennialists). Finally, it is likely that 22:12 forms an inclusio with 1:7. Thus, the emphasis on the “coming” of Christ is on the Second Coming, and not on the process of His conditional comings. Ironically, the pretribulation rapture view would fit very well into Beale's conception of the coming of Christ.

53 Contra Beale, The Book of Revelation, 198. He sees the emphasis as on the conditional comings, and allusion to the Second Coming as only possible.

54 The present indicative βασιλεύουσιν is read by A 046 1006 1611 1841 2329 ÷K. The future indicative βασιλεύσουσιν is read by א 025 1854 2050 2053 2344 2351 ÷A lat co; Hipp Cyp. While βασιλεύουσιν is the harder reading, A has mistakenly substituted the present indicative for the future in 20:6. Both external and internal evidence are pretty evenly balanced, but context would slightly prefer the future. Even if the present indicative is read, it may have a proleptic sense. See R. H. Charles, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John, vol 1, ICC, ed. S. R. Driver, A. Plummer, & C. A. Briggs (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1920), 148. See also Beale, The Book of Revelation, 562-64 for arguments for the present indicative and an inaugural reign interpretation. While an inaugural reign may be included, it is doubtful it is the emphasis.

55 Cf. Rev 1:6.

56 Webb, “Revelation 20,” 33-34.

57 Contra Beale, The Book of Revelation, 1116.

58 Wallace, Exegetical Syntax, 202-03. Cf. BDF §161 (2); A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research, 4th ed. (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1934), 469-71.

59 Cf. Matt 20:6; 28:20; John 2:12; 11:6; Acts 21:7; Rev 2:10; 9:10.

Related Topics: Dispensational / Covenantal Theology, Eschatology (Things to Come), Grammar

A Note on τηρήσω ἐκ in Revelation 3:10

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The text of Rev 3:10 reads: ὅτι ἐτήρησας τὸν λόγον τῆς ὑπομονῆς μου, κἀγώ σε τηρήσω ἐκ τῆς ὥρας τοῦ πειρασμοῦ τῆς μελλούσης ἔρχεσθαι ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ὅλης πειράσαι τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆ" (“Because you have kept the word of my perseverance, I also shall keep you from the hour of testing which is about to come upon the whole inhabited world to test those who dwell upon the earth”).  “Probably the most debated verse in the whole discussion about the time of the Church’s rapture is Revelation 3:10,” writes Robert Gundry in The Church and the Tribulation (p. 54). He, as well as many other posttribulationists, agrees that the verse is speaking about the promise of the rapture given to true believers (pp. 54-61; note also Rev 3:13 which applies this specific promise to the Philadelphian Christians to the “churches”).

The key issue in the debate between pretribulationists and posttribulationists is the temporal force of τηρήσω ἐκ (“I will keep [you] out of”).  Gundry believes that this refers to a posttribulational emergence of the saints: “As it is, ἐκ lays all the emphasis on emergence, in this verse on the final, victorious outcome of the keeping-guarding” (ibid., p. 57).  He bases his argument of a posttribulational rapture here squarely on grammar, stating, among other reasons: (1) “Essentially, ἐκ, a preposition of motion concerning thought or physical direction, means out from within” (ibid., p. 55); and (2) “the preposition ἐκ appears in John’s writings approximately 336 times, far more often than in the writings of any other NT author. There is not a single instance where the primary thought of emergence, or origin, cannot fit, indeed, does not best fit the thought of the context [italics mine]” (ibid., p. 57).

Such argumentation, however, though impressive at first glance, is in reality both too simplistic and a case of grammatical “tunnel vision.”

First, it is too simplistic in that Gundry argues that in John’s writings the primary thought of emergence or origin best fits every instance of ἐκ.  John Beverage, in his master’s thesis (“The Preposition ᾿Εκ in Johannine Literature,” Th.M. thesis, Dallas Seminary, 1953) has demonstrated that such is not the case.  (Although it will certainly be granted that ἐκ normally has the force of origin or emergence, to suggest that this is the foremost idea in every Johannine instance is an overstatement.  Note, for example, John 9:24; Rev 2:10; 3:9. Beverage breaks down the Johannine usage of ἐκ as follows: [1] to denote place or position, [2] to denote separation, [3] to denote origin, [4] to denote material or mass from which something is made or derived, [5] to denote cause, occasion, or instrument, [6] to denote the partitive use, and [7] to denote time.)  (Note: It should be pointed out, however, that although Gundry is too simplistic in this first argument, even if he were entirely correct, the argument is quite beside the point and, in fact, irrelevant to the interpretation of Rev 3:10, as a critique of Gundry’s second argument will seek to demonstrate.) 

Second, it is a case of semantic myopia in that by focusing only on the usage of ἐκ, Gundry has overlooked the combined force of the whole construction.  He claims that ἐκ is essentially “a preposition of motion” (p. 55).  Although this is generally true, if ἐκ is related to a noun or is governed by a non-motion verb (such as τηρέω), it will not necessarily imply motion. (By way of analogy, this can be seen with εἰς—the directional opposite of ἐκ. εἰς generally has the meaning of movement into from without. However, when it is used with a static verb, such as τηρέω, κάθημαι, εἰμι, etc., the idea of motion is negated by the static nature of the verb [cf. for example, τηρέω εἰς in Acts 25:4; κάθημαι εἰς in Mark 13:3; and εἰμι εἰς in John 1:18].)1  The fact, then, that τηρέω, rather than a motion verb such as σῴζω, is used with ἐκ in Rev 3:10 argues against Gundry’s position on this text.2 By way of illustration, our idiom “Keep out of the reach of children” has exactly the same force to it as does the Greek τηρέω ἐκ.  Yet, when such instructions are printed on a bottle of medicine, a parent recognizes that he or she is not to let the medicine get into the reach of children.  That is, the parent is to keep it in a position that is out of their reach.  If the medicine bottle had said, “Take out of the reach of children” the implication would be entirely different (viz., it would presume that the bottle was already within the reach of children).

In summary, the posttribulational position in Rev 3:10, as articulated by Gundry, seems unlikely because (1) it assumes a simplistic (and etymological) force for the preposition ἐκ, and (2) it does not take into account the force of the total construction of verb + preposition. In order for John to have taught a posttribulational rapture in this verse, he would have had to change one of two elements: (1) either the verb (from a static verb to a verb of motion such σῴζω or λαμβάνω) or, (2) the preposition (from ἐκ to διά [+ the genitive] or ἐν).3

Conclusion

Does this therefore demonstrate a pretribulational rapture beyond any doubt? Of course not. For one thing, John 17:15 (the only precise grammatico-lexical parallel to Rev 3:10) needs to be wrestled with (something that has been done in the literature well enough). And the fact that there are no other exact parallels in biblical Greek makes for less than an iron-clad argument. For another, whether ‘the hour of tribulation’ refers to the actual time of the tribulation (though probable) needs to be established beyond all doubt. Further, we have not really addressed much contextually (including the parallel with ‘because you have kept the word’). Nevertheless, the basic point of this brief essay is to show that the overly facile attempt at solving this conundrum on the basis of grammar is inadequate. In the least, the grammatical argument is not on the side of posttribulationism, in spite of Gundry’s certitude.


1Cf. also Wallace, Exegetical Syntax, “Introduction to Prepositions: Motion, State, Prepositions, and Verbs” wherein it is noted that “Stative verbs override the transitive force of prepositions. Almost always, when a stative verb is used with a transitive preposition, the preposition’s natural force is neutralized; all that remains is a stative idea.”

2Even if a verb of motion had been used, one could not positively say that ἐκ meant emergence out from within. Second Corinthians 1:10, for example, has ῥύομαι ἐκ, referring to God’s deliverance of Paul from death!

3To his credit, Gundry wrestles with the data. This cannot be said of all. For example, R. C. H. Trench, in his masterful though dated Commentary on the Epistles to the Seven Churches (sixth edition, 1897; reprint, Klock & Klock, 1978) commits an egregious grammatical blunder when he says that the promise is “to be kept in temptation, not to be exempted from temptation (τηρεῖν ἐκ not being here = τηρεῖν ἀπό...)” (p. 190). This comment is followed by the citation of three or four verses that only support the theological point Trench makes, not the grammatical. The ironic thing to notice here is that Trench denies that τηρεῖν ἐκ is the equivalent of τηρεῖν ἀπό, presumably because of syntactical refinements in the Koine (though offering no basis for this assertion), while tacitly embracing the notion that τηρεῖν ἐκ = τηρεῖν ἐν, when in fact, these two prepositions are semantic opposites!

Related Topics: Dispensational / Covenantal Theology

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