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James Was Not a Midget!: Observations on a Visit to the James Ossuary Exhibit at the Royal Ontario Museum

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“Why did they need so much space after the bones were burned?”

“I study Hebrew, why don’t I recognize this?”

“James sure was short!”

These were comments I heard while I visited the James ossuary exhibit at the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) last week.1 I realized that while many people have heard about this newly famous discovery, many visitors to the exhibit were learning about the “bone box” in a more detailed manner for the first time. Hundred of years separate us from the first century a.d., and few are familiar with the society that collected the bones of their dead in limestone boxes. The goal of this article is to explain briefly the first-century Jewish practice known as ossilegium, discuss the James ossuary in particular, and report on my visit to the ROM to see the ossuary first hand. (For pictures of the exhibit see http://www.rom.on.ca/ossuary/ossuary_intro.html ).

What Is an Ossuary? What Is Ossilegium?

To answer these questions we need to understand that burial space was limited in first-century Jerusalem. To compensate for the lack of space, an interesting burial custom developed. After a death, the body of the deceased would not be buried in the ground, nor would it be burned, but instead it would be placed in a cave tomb. The tomb was carved with a “shelf” on which the body was laid. The corpse would be left in this sealed tomb for an entire year in order to allow the soft tissue to decompose and fall off the bones. No earlier than a year and a day after interment, the bones of the deceased would be collected and placed in a limestone box called an ossuary. This burial practice is called ossilegium.2 The names derive from the Latin word ossuarius, “of bones.”

An ossuary was a small chest like box with a lid. Although these “bone boxes” were sometimes made out of wood or clay, by far the most common construction material was limestone. Some of the boxes were ornately decorated, while others were left unadorned.3 Once the bones of the deceased had been gathered into the burial box, the ossuary was left in the cave in a niche carved out for the purpose of storing the boxes with bones in them. The place where the body had lain would then be ready for use when another individual died. Archaeologists have discovered that at times a single ossuary might be used for the bones of more than one individual.4

The Jewish community in and around Jerusalem practiced this form of burial from about 20 b.c. until the destruction of the city in a.d. 70. The custom continued outside of Jerusalem and in Judea until as late as the middle of the third century a.d.5 Since ossilegium was practiced in Jerusalem for a relatively short period of time the location of discovery, or provenance, of an ossuary can help date it.6

The James ossuary was reportedly found near Jerusalem and is a typical first-century ossuary. It is not a perfect rectangle, but has a trapezoidal shape. It is approximately 20 inches long at the base and 22 inches at the top. It is 10 inches wide and 12 inches high. It is undecorated except for a thin line around the edges of the box and a single rosette (as far as I could see) on the side opposite the inscription. In some cases the name of the person whose bones were gathered in the ossuary was carved on the outside of the box. This is the case with the James ossuary, where the inscription reads, יעקוב בר יוסף אחוי דישוע (ya‘aqov bar yosef achui deyeshua‘, “Jacob son of Joseph brother of Jesus”).7

The Argument of the Specialist

The Biblical Archaeological Society broke this story when it published an article by André Lemaire, a respected epigrapher.8 Lemaire concluded that “it seems very probable that this is the ossuary of the James in the New Testament.” He bases his argument on three lines of evidence: 1) the shape of the letters, 2) the patina of the ossuary, and 3) a statistical projection of the population of Jerusalem. Let me briefly summarize each in turn.

First, the script, or writing style, seems authentic. Examining the shapes of letters is one way inscriptions can be dated. Over time letter styles changed much the way car designs change today. Epigraphers can date a particular inscription to a fairly well defined range by examining the shapes of the letters. Lemaire argues that the letters on the James ossuary date to the first century a.d.9

Second, a patina analysis dismisses the idea that the inscription is a modern forgery. Patina is the accumulation of dirt and dust that settles on an object and over time adheres to it. Depending on the material in question, the accumulated particulates may react with the material it settles on. For example, although the skin of the Statue of Liberty is made of copper and was originally a brown color, pollutants have reacted with the copper and the result is a blue-green patina.

When testing an artifact with an inscription, the goal is to determine whether or not the patina in the grooves of the letters is identical to the patina on the surface. In addition such an examination should reveal whether the patina contains particulates that should not be on the artifact given its origins. The James ossuary was subjected to a patina analysis (Hershel Shanks told the audience in Toronto that both the first two and last two letters of the inscription were tested), and the test demonstrated that the inscription is not a modern forgery. The letters at the beginning and end of the inscription have the same patina. The chemical analysis of the patina suggests that it could have come from the Jerusalem area. The report stated, “No evidence that might detract from the authenticity of the patina and the inscription was found.”10

Finally, Lemaire turns to a statistical projection. Assuming a Jerusalem population of 80,000, he argues that there were probably about 20 men who were named James, had a father named Joseph and a brother named Jesus. He argues that although James, Joseph, and Jesus were common names, it is the triple combination that narrows down the possibilities for a positive identification. 11 In addition, he notes that it was rare for a brother to be mentioned on an ossuary. Only one other example has been found with an Aramaic inscription that mentions a brother.12

Ossuaries Were Not Coffins

It is hard to visualize how small these boxes were while looking only at photographs. Seeing the box in person was very helpful. These bone boxes were not coffins! Bodies were not laid out in them at full length, but rather the bones were quite literally “gathered” and piled neatly in the box. This explains why the ossuaries could be so short. They only had to be big enough to accommodate the femur, the longest bone in the body. Although James may have been a man of small stature, the size of his ossuary does not suggest that he was shorter than normal for his day. Incidentally, the ossuary is displayed at the ROM with the lid on. I was not able to see inside, but all reports say that it is empty.

The Language is Aramaic not Hebrew

The inscription on the James ossuary is clear. It is about 7.5 inches long and reads in transliteration ya‘aqov bar yosef achui deyeshua‘. It is written in Aramaic.13 With the rise of the Persian empire at the end of the 6th century b.c. Aramaic became the common language (lingua franca) of the ancient Near East. By the first century it had, along with Greek, replaced Hebrew as the primary language of Judea. Although similar in many ways to Hebrew, Aramaic uses different grammar and syntax. This explains why some who only read Hebrew can recognize some of the Aramaic words but cannot quite understand what is going on in the inscription.

In particular, confusion surrounds the spelling of the Aramaic word achui,“brother of him” especially for Hebrew students who have not studied Aramaic. The word is a noun, “brother,” with a 3ms pronoun suffix attached to it.14 Syntactically this suffix is anticipatory, that is, it points forward to the noun that it anticipates, in this case the proper noun Jesus. Hebrew would have used a construct relationship ach yeshua‘. The whole word can be translated “brother of him” or “his brother.” Literally the inscription reads, “James son of Joseph the brother of him, of Jesus. The Aramaic spelling does not occur in biblical Aramaic, but does appear in one of the Dead Sea Scrolls called the Genesis Apocryphon. In addition Rahmani’s Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries includes one example (No. 570) with the same spelling of achui in the same context, “Shimi, son of ‘Asiya, brother of (achui) Chanin.”15

Additional confusion surrounds the letter ד (dalet) prefixed to the name Jesus (deyeshua‘). The letter is a contraction of the relative pronoun דִּי (di) and can be translated “of or who.” In earlier phases of the Aramaic language the full particle would have been used, but as Aramaic changed over time the yod was dropped and the particle was prefixed to the word that followed. From this perspective the transliteration in the BAR article, page 28, is misleading.16 The vowel after the prefixed dalet should be a vocal shewa (דְּ), not a short i vowel. In addition the final ayin is missing from the transliteration. It should be deyeshua‘ not diyeshua.17

Easy to read, very damaged

Four observations about the inscription arose from my visit. First, reports that the ossuary was damaged are true.18 Sad to say, a significant crack runs through the inscription. In fact it extends through what may be the most controversial letter of them all. The ד (dalet) that prefixes the name Jesus is highly unusual. I had hoped to get a better look at that letter, but the crack that runs through the inscription cuts right through it.

Initial photographs of the damaged ossuary showed a hairline fracture, but this has apparently been “repaired” by a joint that almost obliterates the letter in question. The substance used to hold the edges of the crack together is very thick and the resulting seam leaves much to be desired. It has been suggested that this is a temporary repair and that eventually the damage will be mended in such a way as to minimize the crack’s visibility, but I wonder if curators will be able to restore the curious dalet sufficiently.

Second, the drawing of the inscription in the BAR article appears to be a bit misleading. According to the sketch, the vav and the yod, the last two letters of the word achui, “brother of him” are the same length. This is strange because, as would be expected, every other yod in the inscription is distinctly shorter than the letter vav. Close examination of the photographs in BAR suggest that the artist may have mistaken a light patch in the patina of the stone for an extension of the yod. This would make it appear as long as the vav next to it, when it is in fact shorter. My suspicion was confirmed while examining the ossuary in person. I suggest that the yod in the drawing should not be as long as the vav that precedes it.

A third observation relates to the suggestion by Rochelle Altman that the second half of the inscription was carved by a different individual.19 To my eyes it did in fact seem like the first half of the inscription (James the son of Joseph) looked different from the second half (the brother of Jesus). The letters of the first half simply looked more well formed, and more deeply carved. With all due respect to Professor Lemaire, the letter ayin, which appears as the second and last letter of the inscription, looks different in these places. This of course does not mean that a second individual was responsible, but it does require an explanation. Perhaps the inscriber was in a hurry. Perhaps a different person did complete the inscription but near the time the first half was completed.

Finally a last observation addresses Altman’s suggestion that the inscription is an excised inscription rather than an incised one. The difference between these two relates to how the letters were carved. An excised inscription is raised while an incised inscription is sunken. If you run your fingers over an excised, inscription you feel the letters as ridges under your fingers (think of the letters on a coin), by contrast if you run your fingers over an incised inscription, you feel the letters as grooves (think of the letters on a tombstone). This distinction is important for Altman’s argument because an excised inscription would leave a “border” around the words where the material was removed to make the letters appear raised. If, as Altman suggests, the second half of the inscription was added to the first half that “border” would have been removed, and we should be able to see the evidence of that removal. As I examined the artifact two things were plain: first, the inscription on the James ossuary is clearly an incised inscription. The letters are grooves not ridges. In fact this can be easily seen from the BAR photographs. Second, there is no evidence that any “border” was removed. This of course is to be expected because an incised inscription would leave no border.

An Unexpected Decoration

When I examined the box through the glass display case, I noticed that there was at least one inscribed rosette on the side opposite the inscription (looking at photographs after my visit I can see another fainter rosette to the left of the previous one). The first rosette looked very worn and may represent a decoration that was either never completed, or a lightly inscribed decoration that has worn away. I was surprised to see it because it is not mentioned in the BAR article. In fact Lemaire says in the article, “The newly revealed ossuary with the startling inscription bearing the name of James is unadorned, unlike numerous ornately carved ossuaries.”20 This is misleading; it looks like someone began to decorate the ossuary, but did not finish for some reason. What does this mean? It is difficult to tell. Perhaps the box was not completed for lack of time. This might explain why the second half of the inscription looks different. A different person, unable to finish decorating the ossuary, completed the inscription in a hurry. We may never know.

So Is It Really James’s Bone Box?

This of course is the $64,000 question. The simple answer is that it is quite possibly the ossuary of Jesus’ brother. More than that is difficult to tell. The letters are from the right period. The shape and style of the box places it in the first century a.d. The Aramaic fits with other inscriptions of the day. But there is so much we don’t know. Because the artifact was looted and sold on the antiquities market, archaeologists were unable to examine the evidence that often accompanies such a find. Could the tomb have contained evidence of use by early Christians? Were there other ossuaries in the tomb that bore Christian markings? What is the best explanation for the different appearance of the second half of the inscription? These are important questions to which we do not have good answers.

It is this precise issue that sparked some of the most dramatic exchanges at the SBL sponsored lecture. Lemaire’s presentation was largely a representation of his article. But the sparks flew when Eric Meyers used his time to criticize the practice of publishing inscriptions from antiquities that have been looted. This of course is a legitimate concern. Hershel Shanks responded by arguing that he too despises looting, but once artifacts have been removed from their contexts they are still worth publishing so that they can be studied.

All in all, my visit was very exciting. The box is an archaeological find that is interesting because it may confirm some of the historical realities Christians already believe. In addition it is a useful tool for raising the world’s interest in biblical studies. I would encourage every Bible student to visit museums and search out archaeological artifacts. They are worth studying if only to raise our awareness of the evidence.

For further reading:

Rahmani, L. Y. A Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries in the Collection of the State of Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority; Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1994.

This is the largest published collection of Jewish ossuaries. It is the best place to see their variety and stylistic differences. Pay particular attention to No. 570, which is the only ossuary with an Aramaic inscription that mentions a brother. It has the same word as the James ossuary.

Lemaire, Andre. “Burial Box of James the Brother of Jesus.” Biblical Archaeology Review 28, no. 6 (Nov/Dec 2002): 24-33, 70. (An abbreviated article can be found at www.bib-arch.org/bswb_BAR/bswbbar2806f1.html ).

This is the first place to go for information on the ossuary. Lemaire’s article is a clear presentation of the evidence for his conclusion: “it seems very probable that this is the ossuary of the James in the New Testament.”

Greenhut, Zvi. “Burial Cave of the Caiaphas Family.” Biblical Archaeology Review 18, no. 5 (Sept/Oct 1992): 29-36, 76.

Ronny Reich, “Caiaphas Name Inscribed on Bone Boxes,” Biblical Archaeology Review 18, no. 5 (Sept/Oct): 38-44, 76.

These articles detail the discovery of the famous Caiaphas ossuary and analyze its inscription. Unlike the James ossuary, archaeologists uncovered this one while excavating south of Jerusalem.


1 I was in Toronto for the meetings of the Evangelical Theological Society and the Society of Biblical Literature (November 19-26, 2002). I also attended a lecture sponsored by SBL that included presentations by André Lemaire, Eric Meyers, and Hershel Shanks.

2 For a good picture of an ossuary with the bones still in it see L. Y. Rahmani, A Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries in the Collection of the State of Israel, (Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority; Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1994) Plate 111.

3 See the plates in Rahmani, Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries, for pictures of ossuaries with striking decorations.

4 This was the case with the famous Caiaphas ossuary in which the bones of six individuals were found, including those of a 60 year old man. See Zvi Greenhut, “Burial Cave of the Caiaphas Family,” Biblical Archaeology Review 18, no. 5 (Sept/Oct 1992): 29-36, 76.

5 Ibid., 21-5.

6 Ossilegium was practiced millennia earlier during the Chalcolithic period (4300-3300 b.c.). Archaeologists have uncovered interesting ossuaries from that era. See Amihai Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday, 1990), p. 80, 82-85.

7 James the brother of Jesus should not be confused with James the son of Zebedee, the brother of John, nor should he be confused with James, the son of Alpheus. Both of these men were apostles (Matt 10:2-3). The James in question here is mentioned in Matthew 13:55-56; Mark 6:3; Acts 12:17; 15:12-29; 21:18; Galatians 1:18-19; 2:9-14; 1 Corinthians 15:7. This same James is mentioned in Josephus, Antiquities, 20:9.1 and Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History.

8 An epigrapher is an expert in inscriptions.

9 Andre Lemaire, “Burial Box of James the Brother of Jesus,” Biblical Archaeology Review 28, no. 6 (Nov/Dec 2002): 28.

10 Ibid., 29.

11 Although he argued he was being conservative and using published population numbers, Lemaire downplayed the value of the statistical projection at the SBL lecture.

12 Rahmani, Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries, 200.

13 A distinction must be made between the Aramaic language and the Aramaic script. When the Jews went into exile in Babylonia in 586 b.c., they wrote Hebrew with a script we call paleo-Hebrew script or Old Hebrew script. This writing system originated with the Phoenicians. During the exile the Jews adopted a new script to write Hebrew–the Aramaic square script. It was not until after the Persians began to dominate the ANE that the Aramaic language replaced Hebrew as the common tongue in Judea. See Angel Sáenz-Badillos, A History of the Hebrew Language, trans. John Elwolde (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 112-13.

14 The morphology of אחוי (achui, “brother of him”) can be explained as follows: אח + הי > אחוהי > אחוי. The singular אח takes the 3ms pronoun suffix הי, we get: אחוהי (achuhi). The suffix is normally וֹהי, but אח takes the long u vowel when the suffix is attached (like the word אב). The intervocalic hey syncopates and we are left with אחוי (achui).

15 Rahmani, Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries, 200.

16 Lemaire, Burial Box of James the Brother of Jesus, 28.

17 Rosenthal, Grammar of Biblical Aramaic, 21, §35.

18 At the SBL lecture Hershel Shanks mentioned and denied a rumor abroad in Israel that the owner intentionally had the artifact poorly packed so that he could collect an insurance claim. The box is valued between $1-2 million dollars.

19 http://www.jewsweek.com/myturn/320.htm, accessed 11/29/02.

20 Lemaire, Burial Box of James the Brother of Jesus, 27.

Related Topics: Cultural Issues, History

John 1:34 in the NET Bible

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There is a discrepancy as to what the original text of John read in chapter one, verse 34. The debate has to do with what John the Baptist declared about Jesus on this occasion. Did he say, “This is the Son of God” (οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ), or “This is the Chosen One of God” (οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἐκλεκτὸς τοῦ θεοῦ)? The majority of the witnesses, impressive because of their diversity in age and locales, read “This is the Son of God” (so P66 P75 B C L copbo aur c f l g et plu). Most scholars take this to be sufficient evidence so that they regard the issue as settled without much of a need to reflect on internal evidence. On the other hand, the earliest manuscript for this verse, P5 (third century), evidently read οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἐκλεκτὸς τοῦ θεοῦ . (There is a gap in the manuscript at the point of the disputed words; it is too large for υἱός especially if written, as it surely would have been, as a nomen sacrum [ΥΣ]. The term ἐκλεκτός was not a nomen sacrum and would have therefore taken up much more space [ΕΚΛΕΚΤΟΣ]. Given these two variants, there is hardly any question as to what P5 read.) This papyrus has many affinities with א*, which here also has ὁ ἐκλεκτός. In addition to their combined testimony, there is significant versional testimony: b e ff2* syrs, c et alii also support this reading. A third reading combines these two: “the elect Son” (electus filius in ff2c copsa and a [with slight variation]). Although the evidence for ἐκλεκτός is not nearly as impressive as that for υἱός, the reading is found in early Alexandrian and Western witnesses. This is important because it at least has the plausibility of being original.

Turning to the internal evidence, “the Chosen One” clearly comes out ahead. “Son of God” is a favorite expression of the evangelist (cf. 1:49; 3:18; 5:25; 10:36; 11:4, 27; 19:7; 20:31); further, there are several other references to “his Son,” “the Son,” etc. Scribes would be naturally motivated to change ἐκλεκτός to υἱός since the latter is both a Johannism and is, on the surface, richer theologically in 1:34. On the other hand, there is not a sufficient reason for scribes to change υἱός to ἐκλεκτός. The term nowhere else occurs in John; even its verbal cognate (ἐκλέγω) is never affirmed of Jesus in this gospel. ἐκλεκτός clearly best explains the rise of υἱός. Further, the third reading (“Chosen Son of God”) is patently a conflation of the other two. It has all the earmarks of adding υἱός to ἐκλεκτός. Thus, υἱός τοῦ θεοῦ is almost certainly a motivated reading. As Raymond Brown notes (John 1.57), “On the basis of theological tendency... it is difficult to imagine that Christian scribes would change ‘the Son of God’ to ‘God’s chosen one,’ while a change in the opposite direction would be quite plausible. Harmonization with the Synoptic accounts of the baptism (‘You are [This is] my beloved Son’) would also explain the introduction of ‘the Son of God’ into John; the same phenomenon occurs in vi 69. Despite the weaker textual evidence, therefore, it seems best—with Lagrange, Barrett, Boismard, and others [such as Gordon Fee and the Revised English Bible]—to accept ‘God’s chosen one’ as original.”

What is significant here is that scholars such as Brown and Fee are absolutely committed to the deity of Christ—thus there is no question as to their orthodoxy. This is also the case with the translators of the NET Bible. These scholars are also men and women of integrity. (Integrity and orthodoxy, unfortunately, do not always go hand in hand.) Their desire is first and foremost to pursue truth rather than to protect their presuppositions. To be sure, this reading in the NET Bible will be offensive to some—as though the deity of Christ has been compromised. If such were the case, then one would have to wonder why the NET Bible has not changed the text in John 1:49; 3:18; 5:25; 10:36; 11:4, 27; 19:7; and 20:31—where ‘Son of God’ occurs each time. Or why the NET Bible has a very clear translation of John 1:1 and 20:28, along with lengthy notes on the deity of Christ. The conclusion to be made is that either these translators are singularly incompetent in their attempt to torpedo orthodoxy or else they are honest with the text of Holy Writ.1 Let the reader decide; but in making such a decision, he must also wrestle with one other factor: How is the reading “the Chosen one of God” to be explained? If the evangelist did not pen it, whence did it arise? And why did the same manuscripts that have this wording here not have it elsewhere in John?

Epilogue

All who study the scriptures—from the schoolboy to the scholar, from the King James Only fundamentalist to the flaming liberal—make subjective choices as a matter of course. The question is not whether our choices are subjective, but whether they are reasonable, based on the best historical and scientific evidence available, and whether they present a coherent picture of what the Bible affirms. Strange as it may seem, God has put us mortals in the position of having to make subjective choices about the meaning and even wording of scripture. Some rebel against this by railing against modern translations and clinging to tradition. But if we are to take seriously Jesus’ words to the Mosaic legal expert—“love the Lord your God with all your mind”—then we should welcome the opportunity to brave these waters, knowing that Jesus Christ is still the captain of our ship.


1The presumption of integrity does not, of course, mean that they are correct in their assessment of the evidence. The UBS/Nestle texts, for example, have “Son of God” here (and the UBS rating is a strong ‘B’ [though there was some dissension among the editors]). The difference between the editors of these critical texts and the scholars who worked on the NET Bible in text-critical matters is essentially that, collectively speaking, the NET editors have given a higher priority to internal evidence than have the editors of the UBS/Nestle texts.

Related Topics: Christology, Textual Criticism

Why I Do Not Think the King James Bible Is the Best Translation Available Today

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First, I want to affirm with all evangelical Christians that the Bible is the Word of God, inerrant, inspired, and our final authority for faith and life. However, nowhere in the Bible am I told that only one translation of it is the correct one. Nowhere am I told that the King James Bible is the best or only ‘holy’ Bible. There is no verse that tells me how God will preserve his word, so I can have no scriptural warrant for arguing that the King James has exclusive rights to the throne. The arguments must proceed on other bases.

Second, the Greek text which stands behind the King James Bible is demonstrably inferior in certain places. The man who edited the text was a Roman Catholic priest and humanist named Erasmus.1 He was under pressure to get it to the press as soon as possible since (a) no edition of the Greek New Testament had yet been published, and (b) he had heard that Cardinal Ximenes and his associates were just about to publish an edition of the Greek New Testament and he was in a race to beat them. Consequently, his edition has been called the most poorly edited volume in all of literature! It is filled with hundreds of typographical errors which even Erasmus would acknowledge. Two places deserve special mention. In the last six verses of Revelation, Erasmus had no Greek manuscript (=MS) (he only used half a dozen, very late MSS for the whole New Testament any way). He was therefore forced to ‘back-translate’ the Latin into Greek and by so doing he created seventeen variants which have never been found in any other Greek MS of Revelation! He merely guessed at what the Greek might have been. Secondly, for 1 John 5:7-8, Erasmus followed the majority of MSS in reading “there are three witnesses in heaven, the Spirit and the water and the blood.” However, there was an uproar in some Roman Catholic circles because his text did not read “there are three witnesses in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit.” Erasmus said that he did not put that in the text because he found no Greek MSS which had that reading. This implicit challenge—viz., that if he found such a reading in any Greek MS, he would put it in his text—did not go unnoticed. In 1520, a scribe at Oxford named Roy made such a Greek MS (codex 61, now in Dublin). Erasmus’ third edition had the second reading because such a Greek MS was ‘made to order’ to fill the challenge! To date, only a handful of Greek MSS have been discovered which have the Trinitarian formula in 1 John 5:7-8, though none of them is demonstrably earlier than the sixteenth century.

That is a very important point. It illustrates something quite significant with regard to the textual tradition which stands behind the King James. Probably most textual critics today fully embrace the doctrine of the Trinity (and, of course, all evangelical textual critics do). And most would like to see the Trinity explicitly taught in 1 John 5:7-8. But most reject this reading as an invention of some overly zealous scribe. The problem is that the King James Bible is filled with readings which have been created by overly zealous scribes! Very few of the distinctive King James readings are demonstrably ancient. And most textual critics just happen to embrace the reasonable proposition that the most ancient MSS tend to be more reliable since they stand closer to the date of the autographs. I myself would love to see many of the King James readings retained. The story of the woman caught in adultery (John 7:53-8:11) has always been a favorite of mine about the grace of our savior, Jesus Christ. That Jesus is called God in 1 Timothy 3:16 affirms my view of him. Cf. also John 3:13; 1 John 5:7-8, etc. But when the textual evidence shows me both that scribes had a strong tendency to add, rather than subtract, and that most of these additions are found in the more recent MSS, rather than the more ancient, I find it difficult to accept intellectually the very passages which I have always embraced emotionally. In other words, those scholars who seem to be excising many of your favorite passages from the New Testament are not doing so out of spite, but because such passages are not found in the better and more ancient MSS. It must be emphatically stressed, however, that this does not mean that the doctrines contained in those verses have been jeopardized. My belief in the deity of Christ, for example, does not live or die with 1 Timothy 3:16. In fact, it has been repeatedly affirmed that no doctrine of Scripture has been affected by these textual differences. If that is true, then the ‘King James only’ advocates might be crying wolf where none exists, rather than occupying themselves with the more important aspects of advancing the gospel.2

Third, the King James Bible has undergone three revisions since its inception in 1611, incorporating more than 100,000 changes. Which King James Bible is inspired, therefore?

Fourth, 300 words found in the KJV no longer bear the same meaning—e.g., “Suffer little children…to come unto me” (Matt 19:14). “Study to shew thyself approved unto God” (2 Tim 2:15). Should we really embrace a Bible as the best translation when it uses language that not only is not clearly understood any more, but in fact has been at times perverted and twisted?3

Fifth, the KJV includes one very definite error in translation, which even KJV advocates would admit. In Matthew 23:24 the KJV has ‘strain at a gnat and swallow a camel.’ But the Greek has ‘strain out a gnat and swallow a camel.’ In the least, this illustrates not only that no translation is infallible but also that scribal corruptions can and do take place-even in a volume which has been worked over by so many different hands (for the KJV was the product of a very large committee of over 50 scholars).4

Sixth, when the KJV was first published, it was heavily resisted for being too easy to understand! Some people revere it today because it is difficult to understand. I fear that part of their response is due to pride: they feel as though they are able to discern something that other, less spiritual folks cannot. Often 1 Corinthians 2:13-16 is quoted with reference to the KJV (to the effect that ‘you would understand it if you were spiritual’). Such a use of that text, however, is a gross distortion of the Scriptures. The words in the New Testament, the grammar, the style, etc.—in short, the language—comprised the common language of the first century. We do God a great disservice when we make the gospel more difficult to understand than he intended it. The reason unspiritual people do not understand the scriptures is because they have a volitional problem, not an intellectual problem (cf. 1 Cor. 2:14 where ‘receive,’ ‘welcome’ shows clearly that the thing which blocks understanding is the sinful will of man).

Seventh, those who advocate that the KJV has exclusive rights to being called the Holy Bible are always, curiously, English-speaking people (normally isolated Americans). Yet, Martin Luther’s fine translation of the Bible into German predated the KJV by almost 100 years. Are we so arrogant to say that God has spoken only in English? And where there are substantial discrepancies between Luther’s Bible and the KJV (such as in 1 John 5:7-8), are we going to say that God has inspired both? Is he the author of lies? Our faith does not rest in a singular tradition, nor is it provincial. Vibrant, biblical Christianity must never unite itself with provincialism. Otherwise, missionary endeavor, among other things, would die.

Eighth, again, let me repeat an earlier point: Most evangelicals—who embrace all the cardinal doctrines of the faith—prefer a different translation and textual basis than that found in the KJV. In fact, even the editors of the New Scofield Reference Bible (which is based on the KJV) prefer a different text/translation!

Finally, though it is true that the modern translations ‘omit’ certain words and verses (or conversely, the KJV adds to the Word of God, depending on how you look at it), the issue is not black-or-white. In fact, the most recent edition of a Greek New Testament which is based on the majority of MSS, rather than the most ancient ones (and thus stands firmly behind the King James tradition), when compared to the standard Greek New Testament used in most modern translations, excises over six hundred and fifty words or phrases! Thus, it is not proper to suggest that only modern translations omit; the Greek text behind the KJV omits, too! The question, then, is not whether modern translations have deleted portions of the Word of God, but rather whether either the KJV or modern translations have altered the Word of God. I contend that the KJV has far more drastically altered the scriptures than have modern translations. Nevertheless, I repeat: most textual critics for the past two hundred and fifty years would say that no doctrine is affected by these changes. One can get saved reading the KJV and one can get saved reading the NIV, NASB, etc.

I trust that this brief survey of reasons I have for thinking that the King James Bible is not the best available translation will not be discarded quickly. All of us have a tendency to make mountains out of molehills and then to set up fortresses in those ‘mountains.’ We often cling to things out of emotion, rather than out of true piety. And as such we do a great disservice to a dying world that is desperately in need of a clear, strong voice proclaiming the gospel of Jesus Christ. Soli Deo gloria!

Addendum

One further point is necessary. With the recent publication of several different books vilifying modern translations, asserting that they were borne out of conspiratorial motives, a word should be mentioned about this concocted theory. First, many of these books are written by people who have little or no knowledge of Greek or Hebrew, and are, further, a great distortion of the facts. I have read books on textual criticism for more than a quarter of a century, but never have I seen such illogic, out-of-context quotations, and downright deceptions about the situation as in these recent books. Second, although it is often asserted that heretics produced some of the New Testament MSS we now have in our possession, there is only one group of MSS known to be produced by heretics: certain Byzantine MSS of the book of Revelation. This is significant because the Byzantine text stands behind the KJV! These MSS formed part of a mystery cult textbook used by various early cults. But KJV advocates constantly make the charge that the earliest MSS (the Alexandrian MSS) were produced by heretics. The sole basis they have for this charge is that certain readings in these MSS are disagreeable to them! Third, when one examines the variations between the Greek text behind the KJV (the Textus Receptus) and the Greek text behind modern translations, it is discovered that the vast majority of variations are so trivial as to not even be translatable (the most common is the moveable nu, which is akin to the difference between ‘who’ and ‘whom’!). Fourth, when one compares the number of variations that are found in the various MSS with the actual variations between the Textus Receptus and the best Greek witnesses, it is found that these two are remarkably similar. There are over 400,000 textual variants among NT MSS. But the differences between the Textus Receptus and texts based on the best Greek witnesses number about 5000—and most of these are untranslatable differences! In other words, over 98% of the time, the Textus Receptus and the standard critical editions agree. Those who vilify the modern translations and the Greek texts behind them have evidently never really investigated the data. Their appeals are based largely on emotion, not evidence. As such, they do an injustice to historic Christianity as well as to the men who stood behind the King James Bible. These scholars, who admitted that their work was provisional and not final (as can be seen by their preface and by their more than 8000 marginal notes indicating alternate renderings), would wholeheartedly welcome the great finds in MSS that have occurred in the past one hundred and fifty years.


1 Now a humanist in the sixteenth century is not the same as a humanist today. Erasmus was generally tolerant of other viewpoints, and was particularly interested in the humanities. Although he was a friend of Melanchthon, Luther’s right-hand man, Luther did not care for him.

2 It is significant that Erasmus himself was quite progressive in his thinking, and would hardly be in favor of how the KJV Only advocates have embraced him as their champion. For example, every one of his editions of the Greek NT was a diglot—Latin on one side and Greek on the other. The Latin was his own translation, and was meant to improve upon Jerome’s Latin Vulgate—a translation which the Catholic church had declared to be inspired. For this reason, Cambridge University immediately banned Erasmus’ New Testament, and others followed suit. Elsewhere, Erasmus questioned whether the pericope adulterae (the story of the woman caught in adultery [John 7:53-8:11]), the longer ending of Mark (16:9-20), etc., were authentic.

3 “Suffer” in Matt 19:14 means “permit”; “study” in 2 Tim 2:15 means “be eager, be diligent.” See the Oxford English Dictionary (the largest unabridged dictionary of the English language) for help here: it traces the uses of words through their history, pinpointing the year in which a new meaning came into vogue.

4 There are other mistakes in the KJV which persist to this day, even though this translation has gone through several editions. For example, the KJV in Heb 4:8 reads: “For if Jesus had given them rest, then would he not afterward have spoken of another day.” This sounds as though Jesus could not provide the eternal rest that we all long for! However, the Greek word for Jesus is the same as the word for Joshua. And in the context of Heb 4, Joshua is obviously meant. There is no textual problem here; it is rather simply a mistake on the part of the translators, perpetuated for the last 400 years in all editions of the KJV.

Related Topics: Textual Criticism

What it Takes to Lead the Church

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My views about leadership are informed especially by the scriptures, rather than by slick approaches to church growth, many of which are actually anti-biblical.  I am in line with a number of theologians who are disturbed by trends in the church today. I am necessarily restricting the focus of this paper to the top levels of leadership.  This is because I see this type of leader as the most sorely needed at the church right now. 

Preface:
The Church and Culture

As a student both of church history and of culture and its impact on the church, I would have to say that the church at the end of the twentieth century is dangling over a dangerous precipice though it thinks that it is standing on solid ground.  Two of the major influences are as follows:

(1) All around us the influence of social and psychological Darwinism abounds.  It has infected the church via Deweyism and the pragmatic philosophy that Dewey brought to American education.  Because Dewey saw human beings as simply the highest order of creatures, his educational program argued for democracy as the best form of government, creature comforts via science and technology as the greatest educational objective, and pragmatic relevance as the only curriculum.  The problem with this, of course, is that it caused a slow erosion of aesthetics, history, languages, the arts and humanities, and above all religion.  These topics were perceived by Dewey as wrong-headed because they affirmed humanity's distinctness.  Further, absolute truth would find no place in Dewey's scheme since that implies a reality beyond ourselves. 

The pragmatism has especially infected the church in various ways.  Relevance has become more important than truth and a knowledge of God and his ways via Scripture has become marginalized.1  Those who take a stand for truth in the church today are often labeled pejoratively: argumentative, elitist, inflexible, etc.  To be sure, often such labels are deserved.  In particular, the most grievous aspect of many of them is that they do not follow Eph 4:15: "truthing it in love."  But just because many truth-seekers and truth-proclaimers are one-sided does not mean that all are.  Further, to reject the necessity of pursuing and proclaiming truth because some folks do it poorly is hardly the answer; the alternative is to be tossed by every wind of doctrine on a sea of emotion.  The concern of pragmatists is very real: truth needs to be relevant and packaged in love.  The real problem of the church today is that truth has been downgraded to simplicity, while transparent relevance has been put on a pedestal.  The starting point of our quest then often becomes "Is it relevant?" rather than "Is it true?"  We are a generation away from biblical illiteracy on a scale that mirrors the middle ages. 

(2) Another major influence is the Enlightenment.  Modern Americans are children of rationalism and philosophical materialism.  The impact on the church has been to move us in the direction of a purely cognitive faith.  Now this may sound contradictory to what was stated above.  In a sense, it is.  But that's because there really are two kinds of evangelicals today, broadly speaking: those who worship God in spirit, and those who worship God in truth.2  This is a false dichotomy ultimately, yet we have managed to maintain the tension.  Hence, we have the extreme 'spirit' types in the charismatic and Pentecostal camps; we have the extreme 'truth' types (or better, 'knowledge' types) in Col. Bob Thieme's form of ecclesiology.  For one group, personal and idiosyncratic experience is everything; for the other, absolute and dogmatic knowledge is everything.  Most Bible churches have imbibed in the latter and are now turning toward the former.  Most Bible church leaders do not even perceive what the cultural antecedents are that are moving them.

In short, today I see the church in a crisis of the Word and the Spirit.  We are becoming polarized when we should be getting together.  A leader in the church needs to be aware of these issues so as not to conform to the world (Rom 12:1-2).

A Parable

Permit me to begin with a parable of church leadership.  Suppose that instead of training leaders, the task here was to train bus drivers for a large, rural elementary school.  George is in charge; he needs to find bus drivers for next fall.  So George sets out to find his people.  He first writes up a list of non-negotiable criteria.  In his list of non-negotiables he writes down the following, with annotations:

Desire and enthusiasm.  But armed with such motivation, there must be more to being a bus driver.

Not a new driver.  New drivers simply do not have the experience needed for taking on such huge responsibility. 

Someone without a criminal record; further, someone with a pretty clean driving record.  Perfection is not required nor expected, but respect for and knowledge of the law of the land is.

Few or no accidents on record.  Again, perfection is not required nor expected, but respect for and knowledge of physical laws is.

Trainable.  This requires respect for authority, humility, and a willingness to be stretched, and to learn.  Ultimately, it results in knowledge and expertise.

A love of children.  The best kind of bus driver will be compassionate and understanding, tolerant, and not easily flustered. 

Not easily distracted.  The best kind of bus driver needs to be one who knows his route and sticks to it.  He does not deviate to one side or the other.  His compassion for the children is tempered by his duty to get them there safely, without detours.  In short, he knows where he is going and he is able to bring his children with him. 

A safe driver and one who can be trusted.  Both the children and the parents have confidence in him because they know that he knows his job. 

Now, George begins to look for qualified individuals.  He posts an ad in the local newspaper.  This will attract those who have the desire to be bus drivers.  But in the process, George soon discovers that some potential candidates are motivated by the wrong things.  Thus, their moral character needs to be screened carefully.  But George is running out of time.  The training takes several weeks and the screening process takes almost as long.  So he cuts short both in order to get his half dozen bus drivers needed for the fall semester.  He justifies this because of the necessity to fill the slots.  After all, it is every child's right to get on the public bus. 

The results are mixed.  Three of the bus drivers turned out just fine.  Their character was exceptional, they took well to the training (two even had been truck drivers before and the other was an exceptional driver), and they had the prerequisite qualities George was looking for.  Fortunately for him, these bus drivers were 'found,' not 'made.' 

One bus driver however was a high school student.  Jimmy was too young and too immature for the job.  This affected the safety of the vehicle, the confidence level of the parents, and his own distractibility with a bus full of loud children.  Near tragedy came when the bus took a corner too quickly on a rainy day and slid into a tree.  Several of the children were hurt, though none badly.  Still, the psychological scars could not yet be determined.

Another bus driver allowed her love for the children to override her duty.  Margaret soon began to make special detours for the children in order to please them.  One day, she stopped at a convenience store on the way home and bought all the children snow cones.  This was a nice gesture, but the delay worried all the parents who did not know where their children were.  Early on in the semester Margaret waited for several minutes for a tardy child.  This not only made the entire busload of children late for school, it also set a precedent for the tardy child.  Within a few weeks, he became regularly late--by as much as twenty minutes.  Margaret waited patiently.  All the children suffered for it and the one child and its parents did not learn to face responsibility.

The last bus driver George hired proved to be disastrous.  He was a man with a criminal record.  His motivation was money.  He had little respect for authority.  The curious thing was that because George was rushed in the process he was unable to detect these flaws in Daryl, in large part because he was such a likeable person.  Daryl was able to play the pied piper with the children and get them to embrace him as their leader and hero.  The children of course are not to be blamed too heavily; after all, they were children.  But about three months into the fall semester Daryl persuaded the children to take a little outing on a Friday afternoon.  Two hours later they had not come home.  Some parents got worried and called the police.  No trace was found after several hours of looking.  The next day Daryl called up the school principal from another state, over 500 miles from home.  He demanded a ransom for each of the children.  The ransom was eventually paid for each one, all but one were returned safely, though one is still missing.  Daryl escaped, never to be found.

After this first year of the new bus program, George did some serious thinking.  At first he glibly thought, "Well, three out of six turned out OK.  I guess my training program worked pretty well."  But this was thinly disguised rationalism, intended to ease his conscience.  As he reflected on the preciousness of the lives in his care and what the real task was, he realized that he had failed the children and the parents miserably.  Further, he failed the bus drivers by not really training them and screening them properly.  Most of the pain and tragedy could have been avoided had George not cut corners.  He realized that his first assumption was a wrong one: he did not need to fill the slots.  It would have been better for some of the children to walk to school than to subject their lives to detours and dangers.  So the most valuable lesson George learned was not to put a person behind the wheel of a bus until he had been properly checked out and properly trained. 

*****

Church Leadership

OK, I know this was a long-winded parable!  But I trust you can see some real parallels with leadership in the church.  Leaders must have more credentials than mere desire.  And though they love their flock, love that is not anchored in truth degenerates to mere sentimentality.  We can see plainly what is required of a bus driver in part because we can see plainly what a bus driver's primary goal is: to get the children to school safely and on time.  By analogy, part of the reason we are not sure what church leaders are supposed to look like is because we have lost sight of the goal. 

(1) I take it as axiomatic that our ultimate goal is to glorify God, both individually and communally. 

(2) Glorifying God requires a knowledge of him and his will.  For church leaders, a basic knowledge of the Bible and of Bible doctrine is indispensable.  (A sine qua non  here is that a leader needs to develop lifelong habits of spiritual discipline, feeding himself in the Word, coming to the text without an agenda, and being able to impart to others what he has learned.)  Otherwise, leaders will not be able to discern when some of the flock are wandering.  They may even be leading the charge!3  Along these lines, leaders also need to know what truths are non-negotiable and which are more peripheral.  Toleration and fellowship must reign supreme in the less central areas.  This requires time in the Word.  A mature leader is one who knows what truths are necessary for the life of the church, which are vital for the health of the church, and which ones belong to the category of "sapiential preference"--that is, views that are borne of one's wisdom and walk with the Lord, but may well be wrong.  This last category especially requires great humility.

Concomitant to a knowledge of the Scriptures are two other elements: A commitment to its authority in all areas that it teaches, and a respect for others in the body for their diversity of viewpoints and diversity in gifts.  There is no room for either belittlement or intimidation.

(3) Further, this foundational knowledge must result in alteration of beliefs and character.  It is an overly simplistic model to say that application of biblical truth must always be behavioral.  The Bible is more about belief modification than it is about behavior modification.  To be sure, behavior will be affected by beliefs.  But we start at the wrong end of the stick when we focus just on externals.  As Charnock points out, when we sin we are really playing the atheist, because otherwise we would fear God and obey him: “All sin is founded in a secret atheism” (Stephen Charnock, Existence and Attributes of God, p. 93).  Our lack of belief affects our behavior.

To put this another way, we are to love God with our heart, soul, mind, and strength (Matt 22:34-40).  Every aspect of our lives--both individually and communally--is to be subject to Christ's lordship. 

(4) Our beliefs and our character must be transferable.  A leader must be willing and able to duplicate himself in others: "love your neighbor as yourself" (Matt 22:39).  This requires a radical commitment to others, regarding them as more important than oneself (Phil 2:1-11).  And it requires the passing on of truth embodied in human flesh (2 Tim 2:2).  In short, leaders must be able to "truth it in love" (Eph 4:15). 

(5) Our commitment to the gospel of Christ requires of leaders a willingness to get outside their comfort zone.  Paul became all things to all men--as difficult as that was for a former Pharisee (!)--that he might win some.  The gospel requires of us a massive flexibility, especially in cross-cultural settings.  Not only does this mean a willingness to share our faith, but also a recognition that the nature of the church is essentially heterogenous.  That is, each local expression of the body of Christ should transgress racial, economic, educational, age, and sex boundaries (Gal 2:1ff; 3:28; Eph 2:11-22; 4:1-6).  The supernatural nature of the body of Christ is most clearly seen when its existence and unity cannot be explained on natural grounds.  There are very, very few churches today that are going about this properly.  Indeed, the most popular method of church growth now advocated is a homogenous approach.  Part of the motivation for this is the underlying assumption that rapid growth is necessarily good and right and essential.  But how a church is growing is far more important than how quickly it is growing.  Churches that miss this principle are like a healthy newborn baby with a yet-undetected congenital disease.  Sooner or later the disease will come to full flower and the child will suffer pain, illness, perhaps even death.  It is true that a healthy church is a growing church; the converse is not necessarily true however, viz., that a growing church is a healthy church. 

A biblical church should be heterogenous and one that grows by multiplication and depth rather than by addition and shallowness.  In the end, a church moving in this manner will eventually have explosive growth (since multiplication ultimately catches up to and then surpasses addition) that is deep-rooted.  The leaves will be green and will survive harsh conditions because the roots are deep.

(6) Biblical leadership cannot be accomplished at a distance.  It fundamentally requires personal involvement.  The abstract truths of theology must be made concrete and personal in intimate, godly discipleship.  This, of course, implies a cetain amount of messiness.  Avoidance of conflict or fear of involvement ought not to characterize true leaders in the church.  Among other things, this requires of leaders that they not be threatened individuals and that they conduct their mentoring in a mutually accountable manner.  At bottom, great numbers do not make a church great.  Godly people make a church great.

(7) Finally, a leader must be honorable, vulnerable, humble, and tolerant.  I realize that these are themes mentioned already.  But they bear repeating and isolating.  God never waits for a man to have all of his theological ducks in a row before He begins using him.  As Dr. John Hannah has put it, "All of us are heretics.  We just don't know it yet."  But the humble man is willing to learn from others, recognizing that he does not have a corner on the truth.  And because he is not omniscient, he is tolerant and respectful of those with whom he disagrees.  Arrogance has no place in the ministry.  Further, a mature believer is not yet perfected.  The more he can admit this to himself and to others the more they will be willing to follow him, for they will see him as follow-able.  His vulnerability keeps him authentic and gives him an attractiveness that is to be prized in the man of God.

As the leadership of a church goes, so goes the church.  If the goal is merely pragmatic, or programmatic, or organizational, or numeric, or entertaining, the results will be less than pleasing to God.  At bottom, leaders need to be the kinds of people whose lives are wholly dedicated to the God whom they profess to serve.

To sum up:

The essential requirements of the highest caliber of leaders in the church today are as follows:

Engagement with culture from a thoroughly Christian perspective.

A life-focus, both individually and in communion with others, to glorify God.

A nuanced knowledge of the Bible which involves a hierarchy of doctrines, a commitment to the Bible’s final, infallible authority, and a profound respect for others who may disagree with our fallible interpretation.

Progressive submission of all aspects of one’s life to the lordship of Christ, including character, beliefs, and behavior.

A transferable life, a desire not just to communicate truth, but truth as it bears fruit in one’s life, to others.

A willingness to get outside one’s comfort zone for the sake of the gospel.  In part, this requires a willingness to grow the church God’s way and to recognize its essentially heterogenous nature.

A commitment to be personally involved with others.  The transferred life must be an accountable life on the most intimate, godly levels.

A leader must be vulnerable, humble, tolerant

Epilogue:
God and Mammon

One of the temptations that growing churches face is debt-service to new buildings. There is a tragic repetition that has littered our landscape with half-empty buildings: A church begins growing, usually because it has a new pastor. The bills are being met and there is a desire to build a new facility to accommodate all the recent converts. All this is fine. The danger comes when the leadership becomes impatient and projects that it can go into debt on the new building without going into the red in the annual budget. The church then moves into the new building when it is only partially paid for. Because of the influx of new people, the leaders are unprepared to handle the growth. Too many Christians still in their spiritual diapers and not enough leaders to help them grow. A number of problems can result from this: the pastor tends toward entertainment, blind spots get revealed that can’t be easily resolved without losing members, etc. The bottom line problem, though, is this: the leaders are now held hostage by the mortgage payment rather than submissive to the Word of God. All decisions are filtered through the impact this would make on the financial stability of the church. The Word gets marginalized.

The solution? First, churches should not, as a rule, go into debt. New buildings should be entirely paid for before construction begins. Churches that hold a firm line on this often get enormously blessed by the Lord; the funds are often raised much more quickly than anyone could have predicted. But whether or not that happens, the church demonstrates its obedience to the Lord by its patience.

Second, what if leaders are already facing debt on property? Here the temptation toward pragmatism (whatever keeps the church numerically strong) will be great. But though the church may be in the black financially, it often gets in the red spiritually. The leaders need to make a renewed commitment to follow scripture at all costs—even if doing so means that they might lose the property. Financial difficulties have a way of eroding our principles. When we have such difficulties in life that are beyond our control, that is one thing; but when we actually invite them by incurring debt, it is more difficult to own up to our responsibilities.4 But true leadership requires a certain vulnerability, even to the point of admitting that some major decisions made previously are wrong. The Lord certainly knows how to take his people from where they are to where they should be, but he does not do so unless they admit that were they are is not where they should be.


1 Several notable theologians are arguing this point now, especially in light of the inroads that postmodernism is making into the church.  Cf. David F. Wells, No Place for Truth  (or, Whatever Happened to Evangelical Theology?); idem, God in the Wasteland; Mark Noll, The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind; D. A. Carson, The Gagging of God; multiple authors, The Coming Evangelical Crisis; etc.  As well, not a few secular writers have noticed some dangerous trends in American education and culture, most notably Alan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind; E. D. Hirsch, Cultural Literacy

2 This very tension can be seen within my church.  One Sunday school class may focus on experience so much that the content of that experience is almost never measured against the Word of God.  Another class might focus so much on the cognitive elements of the faith that an implicit sense of "I know the truth; therefore, I am spiritual" can be unintentionally communicated.

3 Paul’s last letter was to Timothy.  In 2 Timothy we see Paul’s swan song--the words of a man who knew he would soon die.  It is not insignificant that fully two-thirds of Paul’s commands in this letter have to do with the word.  Timothy’s primary task was one of pursuing truth and proclaiming truth.

4 The principles suggested here are not entirely transferable to one’s personal life. I see no problem with a mortgage on one’s residence (if the marriage is strong) because such a debt is both an investment and is made by a couple who are necessarily more committed to each other than a church ands its pastor are.

Related Topics: Cultural Issues, Issues in Church Leadership/Ministry, Leadership

The Problem of Luke 2:2 "This was the first census taken when Quirinius was governor of Syria"

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One of the greatest difficulties in the Bible, in terms of its accuracy, is the census mentioned in Luke 2:2—a census that purportedly led Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem, where Jesus would be born. The Greek text reads as follows: αὕτη ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο ἡγεμονεύοντος τῆς Συρίας Κυρηνίου. This text casts serious doubts on Luke's accuracy for two reasons: (1) The earliest known Roman census in Palestine was taken in AD 6-7, and (2) there is little, if any, evidence that Quirinius was governor of Syria before Herod's death in 4 BC. In light of this, many scholars believe that Luke was thinking about the census in AD 6-7, when Quirinius was governor of Syria. At the same time, Luke demonstrates remarkable historical accuracy overall, and even shows both an awareness of this later census (cf. Acts 5:37) and an understanding that Jesus was not born this late (cf. Luke 1:5).

This issue cannot be resolved with certainty, though a couple of views are unlikely.  First, it is rather doubtful that πρώτη here is used superlatively: “first of at least three.”  Not only is the usage of πρῶτος for a comparative well established in the NT (cf., e.g., Matt 21:28 [“a man had two sons; he came to the first. . .”]; John 20:4 [“the other disciple came first to the tomb”]), but it is unnecessary to compound the historical difficulty this text presents.  A second census is hard enough to find!1

Second, it has sometimes been suggested that the text should be translated, “this census was before the census which Quirinius, governor of Syria, made.”2 It is argued that other comparative expressions sometimes have elided words (as in John 5:36 and 1 Cor 1:25) and, therefore, such is possible here. In spite of the ingenuity of this translation, the basis for it is insufficient, for the following reasons: (a) In both John 5:36 and 1 Cor 1:25, the genitive immediately follows the comparative adjective, making the comparison explicit, while in this text Κυρηνίου is far removed from πρώτη and, in fact, is genitive because it is part of a genitive absolute construction.3  Thus, what must necessarily be supplied in those texts is neither necessary nor natural in this one.4  (b) This view presupposes that αὕτη modifies ἀπογραφή.  But since the construction is anarthrous, such a view is almost impossible (because when a demonstrative functions attributively to a noun the noun is almost always articular);5 a far more natural translation would be “This is the first census . . .” rather than “this census is . . .”

Third, πρώτη is sometimes regarded as adverbial: “this census took place before Quirinius was governor of Syria.”6  The advantage of this approach is that it eludes the historical problem of Quirinius’ governorship overlapping the reign of Herod.  However, like the previous view, it erroneously presupposes that αὕτη modifies ἀπογραφή.  Further, it ignores the concord between πρώτη and ἀπογραφή, making the adjective most likely to function adjectivally, rather than adverbially. Actually, the adjective functions similarly to John 1:15, 30, but in both places a genitive immediately follows. Also, if this governed the participial phrase, as Hoehner believes, a number of other constructions would be far more natural (and we might justifiably expect Luke's grammar to be somewhat “natural,” especially in his editorial sections [since such sections are not from other sources, but are in Luke’s own words]).

In conclusion, facile solutions do not come naturally to Luke 2:2. This does not, of course, mean that Luke erred. In agreement with Schürmann, Marshall “warns against too easy acceptance of the conclusion that Luke has gone astray here; only the discovery of new historical evidence can lead to a solution of the problem.”7

Postscript

Evangelicals often have a tendency to find implausible solutions to difficulties in the Bible and to be satisfied that they have once again vindicated the Word of God. On the other hand, critical scholars tend to find errors in the Bible where none exist. At bottom, our belief in the infallibility and authority of scripture is a faith-stance, just as our belief in the Deity of Christ is a faith-stance. This does not mean that we have no basis! Nor does it mean that we are obligated to solve all problems to our satisfaction before we can believe. As B. B. Warfield argued long ago, we believe in the accuracy of the Bible, first of all, because the biblical writers themselves both held and taught this view. And if we consider the biblical writers to be trustworthy as doctrinal guides, then their doctrine of the Bible must also be trustworthy. Certainly we need to make many adjustments in how we define that accuracy (allowing the biblical writers themselves to shape our understanding8); but if we were to deny their accuracy at one point, then we must either (a) deny that they held and taught such a view of the Bible, or (b) assume that they might not be trustworthy in other doctrinal areas as well. There is much to be done in this aspect of bibliology, not just in terms of vindication, but also in understanding.9 Responses that are implausible on their face certainly do not help the evangelical faith in the long run.


1Remarkably, Robertson in his massive grammar suggests that in Luke 2:2 the census is the “first in a series of enrollments as we now know” (669)!  He is basing his view on the work of W. M. Ramsay, though this particular point has long since been rejected.

2See Turner, Insights, 23-24, for a defense of this view. The view was found as early as the seventeenth century by Herwartus, and maintained by Huschke, Tholuck, Lagrange, Heichelheim, Bruce, Turner, et al.

3H. Hoehner, Chronological Aspects of the Life of Christ (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1977) 21, argues similarly: “one notable difference between Luke 2:2 and the other passages cited is that Luke 2:2 has the participial phrase, ‘when Quirinius was governor of Syria,’ which is cumbersome, namely, ‘This census was earlier than [the census] when Quirinius was governor of Syria.’”

4Winer-Moulton, 306, rightly calls this view “awkward, if not ungrammatical.”

5BAGD point out that “When the art. is lacking there is no real connection betw. the demonstrative and the noun, but the one or the other belongs to the predicate . . .” (οὗτος, 2.c. [597]).  They list but two exceptions, calling them “more difficult” (Acts 1:5) and “most difficult of all” (Acts 24:21). BAGD suggest that Luke 2:2 should be translated “this was the first census.”  Incidentally, M. Palmer lists three such exceptions to this general rule in his Levels of Constituent Structure in New Testament Greek, 118, n. 33.  In addition to Acts 1:5 and 24:21, he gives Luke 24:21, but this is not the only interpretation.

6Cf. A. J. B. Higgins, “Sidelights on Christian Beginnings in the Graeco-Roman World,” EvanQ 41 (1969) 200-1.

7I. H. Marshall, Luke: Historian and Theologian (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1971) 69, n. 5, enlisting H. Schürmann, Das Lukasevangelium (Freiburg, 1969) 1.98-101, on his side.

For an excellent treatment of the problem overall, especially from a historical perspective, see Hoehner, Chronological Aspects, 13-23.

8 For example, the biblical writers did not feel any compulsion to quote exactly from their sources, even from Jesus. This is evidenced by the synoptic parallels and by the use of the Old Testament in the New. We must not, therefore, impose a definition of accuracy on these writers that comes from our twentieth century perspective.

9 There is also much to be done in terms of method. Evangelicals tend to allow their doctrinal convictions to guide their research. It is better to not the left hand know what the right hand is doing: methodologically, investigate with as objective a mind as possible, allowing the evidence to lead where it will. At all times, pursue truth! Then, when possible conclusions have been met, come back to the presuppositions and wrestle with how both relate to one another. Most of us recognize that we must do this in textual criticism; why not in historical criticism, too?

Related Topics: Incarnation, Textual Criticism

Does Mark 1:1 Call Jesus 'God’s Son’? A Brief Text-Critical Note

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Mark 1:1 reads as follows: ᾿Αρχὴ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ υἱοῦ θεοῦ (“The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.”) The last two words in Greek are disputed because of their omission in some important manuscripts. These same manuscripts cannot be charged with being the products of heretics, however, because in 15:39 they all record the centurion as saying, “Certainly this was God’s Son.” The issues at stake must be put on a different plane.

א* Θ (28) and a few others omit υιου θεου, while virtually all the rest of the witnesses have the words. Although normally the shorter reading is to be preferred by most textual critics, this rule cannot be applied mechanically. In this case, if a good reason for an accidental omission can be found—especially since the MSS lacking the words are very few, then the longer reading probably should be regarded as authentic. And although א is a major witness to the text of the New Testament, the first corrector of this MS added the words υιου θεου, suggesting the possibility that the omission was simply an oversight. Apart from this lone fourth century MS, the rest of the Greek testimony is quite late, coming approximately 500 and 700 years later. To be sure, the shorter reading is found in Origen and a few other early patristic authors, but the very fact that these writers seem to be using the verse for their own purposes, rather than commenting on the whole of the text, may imply that ‘God’s Son’ simply did not fit into their particular objective (see Cranfield’s commentary on Mark for some insights here). Further, the reading in question is a compound nomen sacrum following immediately after another compound nomen sacrum. That the words could have been omitted by accident is quite likely, since the last four words of v 1, in uncial script, would have looked like this: ΙΥΧΡΥΥΥΘΥ. With all the successive upsilons an accidental deletion is likely. Further, the inclusion of uiou qeou here finds its complement in 15:39, where the centurion claims that Jesus was υιος θεου. This Christological inclusio that encompasses the whole of the Gospel finds parallels in both Matthew (“Immanuel… God with us” in 1:23/ ”I am with you” in 28:20) and John (“the Word was God” in 1:1/”My Lord and my God” in 20:28), probably reflecting nascent Christological development and articulation.

But even more can be said: τοῦ εὐαγγελίου  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ υἱοῦ θεοῦ is one of only eighty-three places in the NT in which four or more words in a row end in –ου; of these, only twenty texts have five or more words in a row (besides Mark 1:1, cf. Matt 7:5; 9:20; 14:36; Mark 6:56; Luke 8:44; Acts 6:13; 12:12; Rom 1:3; 1 Cor 1:9; Gal 2:20; Phil 3:8; Col 2:2; 1 John 3:23; 2 John 3; Rev 9:13; 14:10; 15:7). There are only two texts in which as many words end in ου as in Mark 1:1 (1 Cor 1:9 has seven in a row, while Rev 14:10 has nine in a row). To be sure, there are other places in which a string of genitives occur (e.g., Matt 1:1 [7]; Rom 1:29 [5]; Heb 11:32 [5]; 1 Pet 1:1 [5]), but these do not all end in –ου. An examination of the multiple –ου texts reveals the following textual variation statistics:1 ten of the twenty quintuple –ου texts—exactly half!—show omissions, substitutions, etc. that break up the multiple –ου construction. And of the 83 quadruple or more –ου texts, Sinaiticus breaks up the sequence ten times (cf., e.g., Acts 28:31; Col 2:2; Heb 12:2; Rev 12:14; 15:7; 22:1)—or twelve percent of the time! There is thus a significantly higher possibility of accidental scribal omission due to homoioteleuton (similar ending words) in such a MS. This argument, however, depends for its strength (to some degree at least) on the supposition that א’s ancestry may reach back early enough that the nomina sacra would have been written in their uncontracted form. Thus, although we might charge the lineage of which Sinaiticus is a part with mild carelessness here, we would at the same time be affirming its roots very deep into the second century, perhaps even earlier. This is because all of our New Testament MSS have nomina sacra—even the ten Greek papyri that are now dated in or very close to the second century.

In conclusion, in light of the slim pedigree for the omission, coupled with the high probability of homoioteleuton here, as seen in other multiple —ου passages, as well as intrinsic evidence, it is most likely that Mark wrote ‘God’s Son’ in the opening verse of his gospel. But the strongest argument that Sinaiticus accidentally omitted these words actually becomes evidence for the great antiquity of its form of text. More study of course needs to be done, but this textual problem may help point to the antiquity of a text’s Vorlage by the kinds of errors found in that MS.


1 The evidence is preliminary and based on partial data to date: NA27, the text of Codex Sinaiticus, Hoskier’s text of the Apocalypse. More data can only make the case against the omission stronger.

Related Topics: Textual Criticism, Trinity

Mark 1:2 and New Testament Textual Criticism

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In the second verse of Mark’s Gospel, most modern translations read something like “As it is written in Isaiah the prophet, “Behold, I am sending my messenger before your face, who shall prepare your way.” The KJV on the other hand has “As it is written in the prophets, Behold, I send my messenger before thy face, which shall prepare thy way before thee." The key difference (once you get past the thees and thous) is the source of the quotation. Modern translations present this as coming from Isaiah, while the KJV presents the quotation as coming from “the prophets.” The problem is that the quotation is initially from Malachi (3:1). Mark 1:3 then goes on to quote from Isaiah. Why, then, have the modern translations rendered the quotation as coming only from Isaiah?

The reason, quite simply, is that the earliest and best witnesses have such wording. New Testament scholars who work on determining the wording of the original Greek New Testament are functioning at the level of the deepest integrity when they argue that the original read “in Isaiah the prophet.” This is because they are arguing for wording that seems to communicate a mistake. They argue this in spite of their own feelings about the biblical author’s accuracy.1 Their basis for this view is that a number of important and early manuscripts have the reading “in Isaiah the prophet” rather than “in the prophets.” The witnesses that have “in the prophets” are A, E, F, G, H, P, W, Σ, family 13, the majority of minuscules, the bulk of lectionaries, one Vulgate MS, Syriac Harclean (6th century Byzantine version), a few scattered Bohairic MSS, Ethiopic, Slavic, Ireneaus (Latin translation), and Asterius. Except for Ireneaus (second century), the earliest evidence for this is thus from the late fourth century (W and Asterius). The difficulty of Ireneaus is that he wrote in Greek but has been preserved largely in Latin. His Greek remains have “in Isaiah the prophet.” Only the later Latin translation has “in the prophets.” The KJV reading is thus in harmony with the majority of late manuscripts (MSS).

On the other hand, the witnesses for “in Isaiah the prophet” (either with the article before Isaiah or not) are early and geographically widespread: Aleph, B, L, Δ, Θ, family 1, 33, 205, 565, 700, 892, 1071, 1241, 1243, 2427, Itala MSS (such as a, aur, b, c, d, f , ff2, l, q, Vulgate, Syriac Peshitta, Syriac Palestinian, Coptic, Georgian, Armenian, Irenaeus (Greek), Origen, Serapion, Epiphanius, Severian, Cyril-Jerusalem, Hesychius, Victorinus-Pettau, Chromatius, Ambrosiaster, Jerome (who has a variant of this reading, but NOT “in the prophets”), Augustine, etc. This evidence runs deep into the second century, is widespread, and is found in the most important Alexandrian, Western, and Caesarean witnesses.

On the whole, we would have to say that the “Isaiah” reading has a better external pedigree in every way. It has the support of the earliest and best witnesses from all the texttypes that matter. It is widespread throughout the Mediterranean world, and from a very early period.

Hence, this leaves us with an interesting question: If this reading is not original, where did it come from? Scribes surely knew that the first part of the quotation was from Malachi--after all, not a few of these same scribes had copied out the OT. They knew their Scriptures well. Hence, an accidental change to “Isaiah” by some well-meaning early scribe is rather unlikely.2

Further, there is virtually no possibility that a scribe could have accidentally written Isaiah by dittography. This is the beginning of the gospel; there is not only no Isaiah (Ησαια) in the preceding material, there is also no Ησ in the preceding material except in Jesus’ name, but that would have been written as a nomen sacrum (ΙΥ) from early on.

This leaves one possibility left: conspiracy. Indeed, this is the charge that John Burgon makes of these early MSS. But if there is such a conspiracy, then three problems remain that are difficult, if not impossible, to explain: (1) How in the world could such a conspiracy have infected so many early and diverse witnesses? Its roots must go back so early that we would have to doubt virtually any reading in the NT. This would mean that the very first copies--and therefore often the majority of MSS (according to majority text theory) got corrupted. Thus, the conspiracy theory proves too much. That’s even too much for Burgon! (2) If there was a conspiracy, then these conspirators were singularly inept, for they blew most of their chances to corrupt the NT. Further, it is demonstrable that virtually every MS (and certainly the major ‘conspirators’ such as Aleph, B, and D) harmonizes Gospel passages from time to time, even against the majority of MSS. Such harmonizations are cross-purposed with conspiracy and intentional corruption. (3) In order for there to be a conspiracy, there must of course be some sort of collusion. If so, why then do these early MSS disagree so much? That is, they are not nearly as uniform as the later Byzantine MSS. One simply cannot have his cake and eat it, too: if you hold to conspiracy, you must also affirm some measure of uniformity. The majority text advocates strongly speak against the disunity of the early MSS, while at the same time arguing just as strongly they they (at least the Alexandrian MSS) come from a singular recension. But if that is the case, why then the fracturing? You can’t have it both ways.

If “in Isaiah the prophet” is neither an accident nor an intentional change, do we dare call it original? All the evidence points in that direction. This leaves two questions: How do we then explain “in the prophets”? And what impact does this make on inerrancy? The explanation is that “in the prophets” is obviously a secondary reading, motivated by perhaps several pious scribes who thought “Isaiah” was a contradiction. Hence, they changed it to “the prophets.” This smells very much like a predictable variant that could have occurred in several regions without any kind of collusion or genetic connection. At the same time, if Ireneaus’s Latin translation is informed by later witnesses, then it is possible that this reading originated as a Byzantine reading. It is noteworthy that Asterius reads “in the prophets.” He was Lucian’s student and was the first church father to use the Byzantine text form, as far as we can tell. (Lucian was proposed by Hort as the father of the Byzantine text. This proposal, incidentally, was by no means necessary to Hort’s theory, but was a decent hunch that may well be correct.) Thus, “in the prophets” either arose in more than one region by pious scribes or was initiated by the Byzantine archetype which, in turn, infected the majority of subsequent Greek witnesses. Either way, the reading is easily explained as a “correction” to Mark’s wording.

Now, how does all this relate to the issue of inerrancy? Three answers need to be given. First, the evidence is overwhelming that Mark wrote “in Isaiah the prophet.” Whatever one’s beliefs about inerrancy, it seems to me, they have to adjust to this piece of evidence.

Second, when it comes to dealing with textual criticism, if we want to take an approach to the text that says, “Start with the presupposition of inerrancy,” then we should logically be forced into holding to conjectural emendation in some places (such as Luke 2:2). This is so because there are several more severe problems to inerrancy than Mark 1:2. But if that is our approach, shouldn’t we also emend the text any time it disagrees with our theology on other fronts? There are passages that seem to indicate that Jesus was less than true deity. Don’t we have the right to change them to fit our doctrinal convictions? There is no stopping this kind of dogmatic method once it has begun. In the end, all one believes is what he wants to believe. And his Bible is of the same kind as Thomas Jefferson’s (who cut out passages that offended him, principally texts that affirmed that miraculous). This is not honoring to the God of the Bible who works in history. Theology must never be divorced from history; when it is, Christianity is no better than any other religion.

Third, we simply need to be honest with the evidence in front of us. It is acceptable to say, at times, “I don’t know.” Inerrancy does not live or die with Mark 1:2. There are many fine exegetes who adopt the “Isaiah” reading and yet affirm inerrancy (in fact, I would venture to say that most inerrantist scholars adopt this reading). Nevertheless, they have options as to what is going on. They may not have the answer, but to simply call “in Isaiah” a mistake is quite arrogant. Some suggest that Isaiah headed up the scroll of the prophets and hence Mark meant “In the scroll of Isaiah.” This may be, but we are lacking sufficient proof. There are other suggestions as well, though no firm answers. Like any other doctrine, we base our belief on what we think Scripture teaches and place the difficult passages in the ambiguous category. This is because the doctrine is based on clear passages that seem to be overwhelming to us. There are times that we simply say, “I don’t know what this means, but I know what it doesn’t mean.” Why should Mark 1:2 be any different? At the same time, the closer we look at the Scriptures, the more we are delighted by the subtleties of truth woven into them. We should never be afraid to look more closely at Mark 1:2--or at any other difficult passage. But we should be afraid of our own arrogance--an arrogance often borne of fear and ignorance, not evidence.


1 By saying this, we are not arguing that the majority of textual critics embrace inerrancy. However, the vast majority do have sufficient respect for a biblical author that they will not impute to him an ostensible inaccuracy unless the manuscript testimony compels them to do so. At all points, textual critics are historians who have to base their views on data, not mere theological convictions. The rule that almost all textual critics follow is: Choose the reading that best explains the rise of the others. This means looking at the external and internal evidence in an effort to trace out both history and psychology.

Further, conjectural emendation is generally anathema to textual critics, even though they sometimes resort to it to solve difficulties in the text. In the least, this shows that textual critics as a group are in no way trying to destroy the Bible’s credibility.

2 To be sure, there is some evidence that an occasional later scribe made this error. But to argue that an early scribe did so and that his error infected many MSS for generations in several widespread regions is beyond credibility.

Related Topics: Textual Criticism

A Mishnaic Commentary on Matthew 1.19

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Matthew 1.19 reads, ᾿Ιωσὴφ δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς, δίκαιος ὢν καὶ μὴ θέλων αὐτὴν δειγματίσαι, ἐβουλήθη λάθρᾳ ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν. Several questions come to mind as one reads this verse, some of which the Mishnah may help to answer.

First, the text says that Joseph desired (ἐβουλήθη) to divorce Mary secretly. Had Joseph gone through with delivering the bill of divorce, could it be retracted? Was there a point of no return, a point in which the divorce proceedings could not be nullified?

In answer to these questions, the Mishnah has much relevant material. First, Gittin 1.6, 4.1, and 6.1 point out that before a bill of divorce was handed to the wife it could be retracted, even though this be after a man charged a messenger (though not a slave) to deliver the bill. Of the three texts, Gittin 4.1 clarifies this best:

If one sends a letter of divorce to his wife, and he overtakes the messenger or dispatches another messenger after him, and says to him [i.e., to the first messenger], “The letter of divorce which I gave you is canceled [or abolished, suspended],” then it is canceled. If he reaches his wife first, or if he sends another messenger to her, and he says to her, “The letter of divorce which I sent to you is canceled,” then it is canceled. [But] if [news of cancelation arrives] after [the letter of divorce] comes into her hands, it is not possible for him to cancel it.

Thus, in the case of Joseph and Mary, once she would receive such a letter, the divorce could not be retractable.

A related question, however, is whether the husband could remarry his wife after the divorce. Gittin 4.7 is the most enlightening Mishnah on this question in relation to Matt 1.19: “If one divorces his wife because of her evil name [i.e., due to adultery], he may not retract [the divorce].” Thus, if this applies to women betrothed as well as fully married women, then Joseph would never be allowed to marry Mary had he gone through with the divorce. (Sanhedrin 7.9 suggests that one who had intercourse with a betrothed virgin [בתולה] who was still living at home, would be stoned. The text, however, does not mention the fate of the betrothed girl.)

Second, the text says that Joseph desired to divorce Mary secretly (λάθρᾳ). How secret could this be? Was it possible for only Joseph and Mary to know? Several Mishnayoth help to answer this question. First, Kethuboth 4.4 declares, “The father has authority over his daughter regarding her betrothal… and he receives her bill of divorce.” However, Gittin 6.2 both clarifies and confuses this picture: “If a girl [נערה] is betrothed, she or her father receives the letter of divorce.” Here נערה rather than בת is used to describe the girl. Jastrow suggests that נערה referred to a girl “between twelve and twelve and a half years of age” (2.922). Thus it might not apply to Mary (although Matthew does not record her age at the time of betrothal). Also, what seemed to confuse the picture more is that Kethuboth 4.4 states that the father is to receive the bill, while Gittin 6.2 suggests that such is optional rather than mandatory (though Rabbi Judah had a dissenting opinion, agreeing with Kethuboth 4.4). Thus we cannot dogmatically say that Joseph must have sent the divorce papers to Mary’s father.

Did anyone else have to know? Gittin 8.10 and 9.4 answer that question. Gittin 8.10 says, “And what is considered a deficient [literally, ‘bald’] letter of divorce? Any such whose folds outnumber its witnesses.” Gittin 9.4 is more to the point:

Three [kinds of] letters of divorce are invalid… If one wrote in his own handwriting but there are no witnesses to it, one that had witnesses to it but had no date on it, one which had a date on it but there was affixed only [the signature of] one witness.

A modification of this is offered by Rabbi Eliezer: “Even though there be no [signatures of] witnesses on it, but he [i.e., the husband] had delivered it to her in the presence of witnesses, it is valid [כשׁר].” In either case, at least two witnesses were needed at some point in order to make the divorce papers legal and binding.

Therefore, although Joseph desired to divorce Mary secretly, he had to at least let two others in on the secret and possibly even Mary’s father.

In summary, had Joseph sent a bill of divorce to Mary it could not be retracted once it reached her because, as far as was evident to him, she had committed an immoral act. And although he desired to divorce her secretly, at least two other people had to know about the matter. But since he only desired to do this and did not actually go through with the act, her dignity was preserved intact.

Related Topics: Marriage

A Mishnaic Commentary on Matthew 9.23-24

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Matthew 9.23-24 reads, Καὶ ἐλθὼν ὁ  ᾿Ιησοῦς εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ ἄρχοντος καὶ ἰδὼν τοὺς αὐλητὰς καὶ τὸν ὄχλον θορυβούμενον ἔλεγεν· ἀναχωρεῖτε, οὐ γὰρ ἀπέθανεν τὸ κοράσιον ἀλλὰ καθεύδει. καὶ κατεγέλων αὐτοῦ. The Mishnah offers some valuable insights with reference to who these mourners might have been, how they were mourning, and possibly even why their mourning turned to scornful laughter.

Kethuboth 4.4 is the most often cited Mishnah by commentators in reference to Matt 9.23: “Rabbi Judah says, ‘Even the poorest [man] in Israel must not furnish less than two flutes [i.e., flute players] and one woman wailer [at the funeral of his wife].” The context is about the responsibilities and privileges of a husband toward his wife. The previous sentence in this Mishnah concludes with, “… he is responsible… for her burial.” This is what Rabbi Judah apparently interprets as meaning that such a responsibility includes the hire of at least two flute players and one female wailer. However, neither this Mishnah nor any other of which I am aware speaks of explicit burial responsibilities that one has for his children (as would be the case in Matt 9.23-24). On the other hand, such responsibility does seem implicit here. Along this line it is interesting to note that Kethuboth 4.4 initially deals with the transference of authority from the father of a betrothed girl to her husband. Girls could become betrothed at age twelve (cf. Gittin 6.2 and Jastrow, 2.922, on נערה). In Mark 5.42 (a parallel account to Matt 9.23-24) the evangelist points out that the girl who died was twelve years old. Had she been married, this Mishnah would certainly have applied. As the situation was, however, there were at least two flute players (αὐλητάς—plural) and apparently plenty of wailers and weepers (cf. τὸν ὄχλον θορυβούμενον in Matt 9.23 with κλαίοντας καὶ ἀλαλάζοντας in Mark 5.38).

How were these people mourning? Moed Katan 3.8 is illuminating here:

They [i.e., the mourners] may not set down the bier [i.e., the platform on which the coffin is placed] in the street [during חול המועד, i.e., “the weekdays intervening between the first and the last days of Passover and of Succoth” (Jastrow, 2.745)] so as not to give lamentation; and of women never, out of respect. During the Intermediate Days women may lament, but they may not beat their hands. Rabbi Ishmael says, “The women nearest the bier may beat their hands.”

Moed Katan 3.9 adds to this some pertinent definitions: “What is lamentation [עינוי]? When all [the women] lament together. [What is] wailing [קינה]? When one [woman] speaks out and all [the other women] respond [or wail] after her.” There is a good possibility that Mark was attempting to describe these distinctions when he penned κλαίοντας καὶ ἀλαλάζοντας (5.38).

Kelim 16.7 may add a further note as to how the mourning was carried on. The Mishnah is describing items as either susceptive or unsusceptive to uncleanness. As it goes through the list, the “sistrum of the wailing woman” is mentioned. Jastrow merely defines this as a musical instrument (2.1443), but Blackman describes it as “a musical instrument of Egyptian origin consisting of a pear-shaped frame with four transverse metal rods, and jingled and rattled at funerals” (n. 14 on Kelim 16.7). It is possible that such was used at the little girl’s death.

If flute players, professional wailers, and lamenters were present at the death of the little girl, one might ask who hired them. Jairus the synagogue president was with Jesus when his daughter died. Although he would be responsible for hiring these people, he did not do so. In fact, his desire to see Jesus that he might heal the girl suggests that Jairus would not even be prepared to have hired the mourners via one of his servants. His position in the community suggests wealth (as president of the synagogue, he was an elected official). It seems, too, that the crowd of mourners was aware of Jairus’ wealth (they would be members of his congregation) and wanted to take advantage of it by hovering around his daughter, waiting for her to die, that they might get paid for their services. Such hypocritical mourning would certainly turn to sconrful laughter (κατεγέλων in Matt 9.24) at Jesus’ announcement that the little girl was only sleeping.

When Jairus and Jesus arrived at the ruler’s house, the Lord drove out the mourners, asking Jairus to trust in him concerning the girl. This was a crucial point for Jairus. By allowing Jesus to drive out the crowd, he would be denying payment to the mourners on the basis that the girl was not dead. But if Jesus could not raise her, the mourners could come back and receive their wages. It is possible that they might have charged a higher rate the second time because Jairus had identified with Jesus rather than with the crowd. Baba Metzia 6.1 suggests that if the mourners themselves did not fulfill their obligations, the one who hired them was not liable to pay. Although such is not the issue at hand, Blackman points out on this Mishnah that “when, if the cancelation comes from the employer, the workers can get no other employment, they are entitled to a day’s wages.”

The primary relation of the Mishnah to this passage is that the mourners were not genuine, but simply a milling crowd, ready for hire. They cared less about the girl than their own pocketbooks. And their professional hypocrisy becomes transparent when their less-than-sincere lament turns to laughter at the suggestion by our Lord that the girl was only sleeping.

Remarkably, we see how much Jairus risked when he sided with Jesus at the crucial juncture: Not only would he have to pay extra to these mourners if Jesus failed, but he would lose face before his congregation. His livelihood may well have been on the line, as well as the life of his precious daughter.

A Mishnaic Commentary on Matthew 26.29 and 39

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N.B. This is the third installment in a short series of Mishnaic commentaries. These essays were completed over twenty years ago, and have not been revised. It should be painfully obvious that I am a very slow typist!

Matthew 26.29 reads, λέγω δὲ ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ πίω ἀπ ᾿ ἄρτι ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ὅταν αὐτὸ πίνω μεθ ᾿ ὑμῶν καινὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ πατρός μου. In v 39 the Lord petitions the Father: πάτερ μου, εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν, παρελθάτω ἀπ ᾿ ἐμοῦ τὸ ποτήριον τοῦτο· πλὴν οὐχ ὡς ἐγὼ θέλω ἀλλ᾿ ὡς σύ. There may be a conceptual link between these two verses (cf. γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου in v 29 with τὸ ποτήριον τοῦτο in v 39), and the Mishnah seems to have information which might help in determining the relation.

The Mishnah prescribes four symbolic cups of wine to be drunk at the Passover (see Pesachim 10.1, 2, 4, 7). On Pesachim 10.1 Blackman notes that these four cups correspond “to the four terms וְהוֹצֵאתִי= and I will bring out, וְהִצַּלְתִּי= and I will deliver, וְגָאַלְתִּי = and I will redeem, וְלָקַחְתִּי =and I will take. (Exodus 6, 6.7).” Apparently, since Pesachim 10 seems to be giving the chronological order of the Passover, the breaking of bread came between the first and second cups (cf. Pesachim 10.2, 3, 4). The third cup is at the conclusion of the meal, when grace is recited

(מברה על מזובו in Pesachim 10.7). Luke 22.20 makes it explicit that the cup of the new covenant was offered after the meal. Thus, the cup in view in Matt 26.29 is most likely the third cup of the Passover.

Sometime after the meal the fourth cup is drunk and the Hallel psalms are completed (i.e., Psalms 115-118 are recited; cf. Pesachim 10.7. Earlier in the ceremony, before the third cup, either Psalm 113 or both Psalm 113 and 114 are recited. Cf. debate over this by Hillel and Shammai in Pesachim 10.6). However, in the Lord’s Passover apparently this last cup was not drunk, though the Hallel psalms were completed (cf. Matt 26.30).

What is the significance of our Lord declaring that he would not drink wine again until he was with his disciples in the kingdom (Matt 26.29)? First, Pesachim 10.7 declares: “Over the fourth [cup] he concludes the Hallel… Between these cups [i.e., between the second and third cups] he may drink [other, non-symbolic wine].” Thus the Lord seems to be implying that he would not drink of the fourth cup until the kingdom age was begun (for had he drunk any wine after the third cup it would be interpreted as the fourth cup since the Mishnah prohibited non-symbolic wine to be drunk between these two cups). Second, when we relate these cups back to what they symbolized, i.e., the four verbs in Exod 6.6-7, we may better understand why the Lord did not now drink the fourth cup.

The third cup was drunk in connection with Exod 6.6c: “I will also redeem you with an outstretched arm and with great judgments.” Thus, it symbolized redemption by judgment. The fourth cup was drunk in connection with Exod 6.7: “Then I will take you for my people, and I will be your God, and you shall know that I am the Lord your God…” Such language foreshadows the new covenant, particularly the words recorded in Jer 31.33-34. Ultimately its fulfillment will not be realized until the millennium.

It seems, then, that just as the Passover as a whole was a prefigurement, a foreshadowing, a type of Christ’s death, so even such minute portions as the third and fourth cups were symbolic of all he would accomplish in his first and second advents. He drank the third cup, then, to symbolize his death on the cross for that, too, was redemption by judgment. And he did not yet drink the fourth cup because the redemption via the Lamb of God was not yet accomplished in reality. And since the fourth cup pictured ultimately Christ’s earthly reign he postponed the symbol to correspond with his postponing the reality.

How does all this relate to v 39? It might be possible to see τοῦτο as anaphoric in the expression ποτήριον τοῦτο, thus referring back to the third cup of the Passover mentioned in v 29. However, even if this is not granted, there is a sufficient conceptual link to see some correspondence between the two. It is suggested here that in v 39 our Lord had moved the symbol to the reality. In other words, the third cup represented redemption by judgment and in v 39 our Lord was speaking of the reality, i.e., his impending death on the cross. His prayer to let the reality of the third cup pass from him seems to imply that he wanted to move on to the reality of the fourth cup, the earthly reign. Of course he quickly adds, “yet not what I want but what you want.” He knew the cross was absolutely necessary if the fourth cup were to become a reality—if there would be a people to populate the kingdom.

Substantiation of this view is found in the narratives of Jesus’ death. It is significant that he was offered wine twice while on the cross. Matthew 27.34 records that he refused to drink wine the first time it was offered. That wine was mixed with a numbing drug; but Jesus refused to become desensitized to the full weight of God’s wrath. He had not yet fully undergone the judgment of God which was to bring about our redemption. However, John 19.30 tells us about the second offering of wine. This time Jesus received it and immediately declared, “It is finished.” This wine was sour, the typical drink of the Roman soldier. As he drank this wine he was indicating that the redemption had been accomplished, that the judgment was over. His final utterance on the cross made clear what he did symbolically. Thus, symbol and reality came together at the moment the sour wine touched Jesus’ lips; the third cup “redemption by judgment and by an outstretched arm” was concluded.

Such a view of Matt 26.29, 39 seems best able to explain what would otherwise be very difficult to explain—viz., that Jesus declared in v 29 that he would not drink wine again until the kingdom age. Lest we attribute deception to our Lord or mere human weakness, for he did drink wine again according to John 19.30, we should see his statement as symbolic of his suffering in which he died in our stead, undergoing the judgment of God that we might be redeemed.

Related Topics: Christology

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