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Did Priscilla “Teach” Apollos? An Examination of the Meaning of ἐκτίθημι in Acts 18:26

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In some of the debates over the role of women in ministry nowadays, much is made of Priscilla teaching Apollos in Acts 18:26. It is often said that since Priscilla taught Apollos, 1 Tim 2:12 cannot mean that women may not teach men. Several assumptions are underneath this supposition, not the least of which is that “explained” in Acts 18:26 has every bit as much force as “teach” in 1 Tim 2:12. This assumption will be examined in this paper.

Primary Literature

The verb ἐκτίθημι is used only by Luke in the NT, and only in Acts (Acts 7:21; 11:4; 18:26; 28:23). The word is actually somewhat of a vanilla term, basically meaning “lay out,” or “expose.” It can be used in various contexts, but in collocation with information being passed on it tends to be restricted to simple explanation without concomitant urging or rhetorical persuasiveness. Thus, in Acts 11:4, Peter simply lays out the details of his visit to Joppa. This relating of the historical narrative occurs through v. 15 or perhaps v. 16. Then, Peter summarizes with the question in v. 17, “If God therefore gave to them the same gift as he gave to us also after believing in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I that I could stand in God’s way?” This question is not a part of the explanation, but moves into exhortation. It is not a part of ἐκτίθημι. Acts 28:23 could conceivably present a different picture, for there Paul is said to be “explaining” (imperfect tense), though no direct object is given. It is of course possible that the direct object comes from v. 22 (as the NRSV and REB have it); it is also possible that the direct object comes with the present participle διαμαρτυρόμενος (“testifying”), viz., “the kingdom of God.” But if the latter, then διαμαρτυρόμενος is most likely a participle of means, thus defining the action of the main verb. All this means that we may need to factor in this verb’s force in the meaning of ἐκτίθημι. However, one would expect some confirmatory use of the verb elsewhere if it is to include this notion. (It is rather doubtful that the second person present participle, πείθων (“persuading”) is a participle of means since it has a different object (“concerning Jesus...”); rather, it should be viewed as purpose (“for the purpose of persuading,” “with the intention of persuading”) or contemporaneous (“while [making an attempt at] persuading”), the latter view being more natural.

In the LXX, the verb is used a dozen times (14 if one counts the Theodotionic version of Daniel): 9 times in Esther, 1 each in Job, Wisdom, and Daniel. All the references in Esther have to do with publishing or issuing a decree. The verb itself is used to describe making this decree known. Although the decree itself was a command, the verb in itself carries the force of simply “laying out” the news of the decree. (Cf. Esther 3:14; 4:3, 8; etc.). In Job 36:15 the verb speaks of God instructing the oppressed, though the Hebrew reads somewhat differently (Hebrew has “he opens their ears”). The problem here involves the difference between Greek and Hebrew, whether the Greek translated the same Hebrew text as we have today, etc. The differences elsewhere in the verse are so significant that not much can be made of this text. The passage in Wisdom 18:5 involves literal exposure (as in Acts 7:21). In Daniel 5:7 it relates to interpretation of the writing on the wall. In Daniel 3:29 (3:96 in the LXX) and 6:9 (6:8), the idiom involves making a decree public, as in Esther. The lexicon of the LXX by Muraoka confirms this assessment: “ἐκτίθημι+              V 0-0-0-13-2-15

Jb 36:15; Est 3:14; 4:3,8; 8:12

A: to make manifest  Jb 36:15; to publish  Est 3:14; to expose  Wis 18:5; to set forth  2 Mc 11:36; M: to publish  DnTh 3:96(29)”

Moving on to other literature, LSJ (the standard lexicon for the classical period) notes that ἐκτίθημι has the following forces: “ἐκ-τίθημι, f. -θήσω, to set out, place outside,  Od.: to expose  on a desert island or to expose  a new-born child, Hdt., Att.:—Med. to export,  Plut. II. to set up in public, exhibit publicly,   νόμους Dem.”

Returning to the New Testament, the semantic domain lexicon by Louw-Nida has this entry for the word: “33.151 τίθημιd; ἐκτίθεμαι; ἀνατίθεμαι: to explain something, presumably by putting forward additional or different information— ‘to explain, to make clear.’ τίθημιd: ἐν τίνι αὐτὴν παραβολῇ θῶμεν; ‘what parable shall we use to explain it?’ Mk 4:30.

Ε᾿κτίθεμαι: ἀκριβέστερον αὐτῷ ἐξέθεντο τὴν ὁδὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ‘they explained to him the way of God more accurately’ Ac 18:26.”

The Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (TDNT) has no treatment of this word, nor does Spicq’s three-volume work.

The three-volume Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament by Balz and Schneider has a brief entry that adds nothing to our discussion (1.422), giving only the definitions of “explain, expose.”

Moulton and Milligan’s Vocabulary of the Greek Testament, a work that relates the vocabulary of the NT to (roughly) contemporary non-literary papyri, adds confirmatory evidence of the meanings we have already seen, viz., “post up a notice,” (as in the issuing of a decree), “expose,” and “explain or expound [the whole truth]” (p. 199).

Finally, BAGD gives two basic meanings, “1. expose, abandon; 2. fig. explain, set forth” (245).

From the primary data and the lexical tools that interpret such, there was seen to be almost no unusual meaning, virtually no sense that could be viewed as approaching διδάσκω and its cognates in the NT. That is, except for the possible participle of means in Acts 28:23 (διαμαρτυρόμενος), the force of ἐκτίθημι  never seemed to transgress into the realm of exhortation. To be sure, διαμαρτύρομαι does indeed involve exhortation, warning, etc. (cf. Luke 16:28; Acts 8:25; 18:5), though it also has a legal air about it (“solemnly testify”). In any event, since there is a different and just as likely explanation for the  use of the participle in Acts 28:23 and since no confirmatory evidence was found to suggest that ἐκτίθημι  meant more than “explain,” the meaning of “exhort” must be judged as unconfirmed on the basis of the data we have examined.

Secondary Literature

Turning to the secondary literature, we can say in general that few scholars really take the time to analyze this verb. In a friendly debate over the role of women in the church that I was involved several years ago, a female professor argued on the basis of Acts 18:26 that women had the right to teach men because, as she put it, “the verb ἐκτίθημι is stronger than διδάσκω.” That kind of comment, of course, is not helpful, for the adjective ‘stronger’ can mean just about anything. When it comes to this issue, it certainly is not stronger concerning exhortation and clearly has nothing over the Pauline use of διδάσκω regarding explanation, setting forth of the truth. I have checked several of the more important works on the role of women in the church. Several of them do not even mention the verse. But of those that do, very little is said. The following is a representative selection, with a few comments added.  (The books by France, Groothuis, and Tucker-Liefeld may be considered generally egalitarian, while the books by Hurley and Piper-Grudem are largely complementarian.)

R. T. France, Women in the Church’s Ministry (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), says that Priscilla and Aquila “take the initiative in ‘taking aside’ the formidable Apollos and teaching him ‘a more accurate’ version of the Christian message than he had yet encountered (Acts 18:26). Clearly they were a force to be reckoned with in early Mediterranean Christianity!” (p. 80). This statement is loaded with innuendos that tend to give a wrong impression about what really happened. (Similar is some of Jewett’s treatment of this text.) The text is plain enough as it is: Apollos had not been as well instructed in the facts of the Christian faith as would have been hoped. So, Aquila and Priscilla took him aside and laid out for him a more accurate explanation of who Jesus was and what the Christian message was all about.

Rebecca M. Groothuis, Good News for Women (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997), p. 194, makes this brief comment about the text: “Priscilla and Aquila offered doctrinal instruction to Apollos, a teacher and leader in the church, who received their instruction as authoritative—even though it came in large part from a woman (Acts 18:24-26).” Although this is true to a degree, it is also somewhat misleading, since the primary aspect of their instruction seems to have focused on the historical Jesus (v. 25). Of course, doctrine grows out of this, but the focus of the text and the lexical meaning of ἐκτίθημι  is that known facts were presented to Apollos so that he would have a more sure basis for his arguments.

James B. Hurley, Man and Woman in Biblical Perspective (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1981), offers an interesting perspective on this text: “We should consider the situation of a woman missionary or of a woman or a man who is not an elder in a situation in which there are no elders (e.g. China after Mao’s take-over or Uganda under Idi Amin). Such a situation is much like that of Prisca and Aquila in teaching Apollos (Acts 18:24-26)” (p. 250). Elsewhere he affirms the same thing (118-20). Still, Hurley does not address the meaning of the verb.

In the book edited by John Piper and Wayne Grudem, Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood (Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 1991), this passage is mentioned more than half a dozen times (on pp. 68-9, 82, 212, 218, 222, 256). On p. 69 Piper and Grudem say, “Nothing in our understanding of Scripture says that when a husband and wife visit an unbeliever (or a confused believer—or anyone else) the wife must be silent.” On p. 82 they say that because of Paul's influence, “Priscilla knew Scripture well enough to help instruct Apollos (Acts 18:26).” No elaboration on the meaning of the verb is given. Tom Schreiner’s note on p. 212 simply paraphrases Acts 18:26. On p. 222, Schreiner adds the sober note, “It should also be said that some who argue for no restrictions on women in ministry argue from isolated and ambiguous verses, such as Romans 16:7 or Priscilla's teaching of Apollos in Acts 18:26.” On p. 256, Paige Patterson notes that “no legitimate question exists with reference to either the adequacy or the acceptability of a woman serving in some teaching roles. Apollos profited not only from the instruction of Aquila but also from that of Priscilla (Acts 18:26).” In none of these references was there a word study on ἐκτίθημι.

Finally, one of the most extensive treatments of Acts 18:26 is to be found in Ruth A. Tucker and Walter Liefeld, Daughters of the Church: Women and Ministry from New Testament Times to the Present (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1987). The text (or the broader context) is discussed on pp. 50 (though listed in the index, the text was not discussed on this page), 67-70, 125, 476 n. 104, 478 n. 49. They note that (quoting William Ramsey) Priscilla’s teaching of Apollos “is in perfect accord with the manners of that country. In Athens or in an Ionian city it would have been impossible” (p. 68). On pp. 67-70 they discuss the text, but never discuss the meaning of the verb, a significant oversight. As far as I can tell (no Greek word index is given), nowhere else in the book do they discuss this word.

Thus, the secondary literature, on both sides of the fence, is surprisingly sparse in its actual treatment of ἐκτίθημι. Assumptions are made based on context as to the nature of the instruction, but without an examination of scope of meaning that this verb can have, such construals are too subjective. Our tentative conclusion is that Priscilla and Aquila laid out for Apollos a more accurate understanding of the Christian faith, based on their instruction from Paul and their knowledge of the facts of the historical Jesus (which seems to be implied in Acts 18:25). This was not, of course, a mere history lesson. But it was not primarily, or apparently even secondarily, exhortational in nature. It was a historical-doctrinal explanation of the Christian faith. Further, it was done in private and by both Priscilla and Aquila. That Apollos took from this instruction a bolder refutation of Jewish views of Jesus and a stronger proclamation of the gospel (Acts 18:28) is instructive: what Priscilla and Aquila gave him was the tools necessary for his ministry, but Priscilla did not apparently perform the same ministry as Apollos.

Conclusion

This then seems to be the line of demarcation that this text encapsulates (especially when it is compared to 1 Tim 2:12): a woman may explain the known facts of the gospel. But whether she has permission to exhort men on the basis of those facts is both outside the scope of Acts 18:26 and its context and is proscribed in 1 Tim 2:12. In practice, I would see no problem with women instructing men in several areas in church ministry, such as Sunday school classes on church history, basic Bible facts (with a minimum of interpretation), and the like. But when it comes to teaching the Word to men in a manner that involves interpretation and/or application/exhortation, this seems to be a violation of the prohibition in 1 Tim 2:12.

Related Topics: Grammar, Issues in Church Leadership/Ministry, Leadership, Text & Translation

Kitab Wahyu: Pendahuluan, Argumen dan Garisbesar

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Maret 12, 20031

Translated by Berens Dien

I. Pendahuluan

A. Pengarang

Meski pengarang memperkenalkan dirinya sebagai “Yohanes” (1:9), tidak ada petunjuk Yohanes yang mana yang dimaksudkan. Sudah menjadi anggapan tradisi bahwa pengarangnya adalah rasul Yohanes. Berikut adalah bukti yang mendukung dan yang menentang bahwa rasul Yohanes adalah pengarangnya.

1. Bukti Eskternal

a. Yang menolak kepengarangan apostolik
1) Dionysius

Meski kebanyakan pihak dari zaman mula-mula mendukung bahwa pengarangnya bersifat apostolik (maksudnya pengarangnya adalah Yohanes), ada beberapa yang tidak, khususnya Dionysius dari Alexandria. Dengan cara membandingkan Injil Yohanes dengan Wahyu Dionysius berkesimpulan bahwa kedua pengarangnya tidak mungkin adalah orang yang sama. Karena dia yakin bahwa kitab Injil yang keempat itu bersifat apostolik, maka ia harus menolak sifat apostolik dalam kitab Wahyu. Dionysius tidak memberitahu kepada kita adlah motivasi atas penolakan tersebut. Namun seperti yang dikemukakan Walvoord, “Alasan penolakan kepengarangan apostolik banyak didasarkan pada suasana teologis di abad ke-tiga. Pada saat itu aliran teologi Alexandria, termasuk didalamnya Dionysius, menentang doktrin kerajaan milenial yang dengan gamblang diajarkan pada pasal 20 dengan mengacu pada seribu tahun.”2

Namun apakah Dionysius benar? Guthrie memberi tiga alasan mengapa kesaksian Dionysius perlu dikesampingkan.

Kritik Dionysius “tidak didasarkan pada kesaksian zaman mula-mula, namun pada penilaian subjektif. Oleh sebab itu, kritik tersebut bukan mewakili kesaksian orang-orang Kristen pada abad ke-tiga, melainkan hanya merupakan penilaian yang berbeda dari kritik abad ke-duapuluh.”3

(2) “Pernyataan Dionysius yang berkaitan dengan bahasa Yunani cenderung salah karena ia kelihatannya tidak melihat citarasa Semitik dibalik bahasa Yunani dalam Injil, dan pendapatnya mengenai Wahyu tidak menjawab penilaian kritis yang modern yang pada umumnya yakin bahwa keanehan tatabahasanya bukan disebabkan oleh karena kebodohan.”4

(3) “Saran alternatif yang diberikan Dionysius tidak meyakinkan, karena padangannya mengenai ‘Yohanes yang kedua’ itu jelas menjadi kesaksian kehidupannya yang ceroboh.”5

Dengan sangat yakin,  Guthrie telah terlalu melebih-lebihkan. Kita akan melihat alasan kedua diatas kemudian akan membahas yang pertama dan yang ketiga sekaligus. Akan tetapi perlu diperhatikan disini bahwa Dionysius sebenarnya mendasarkan pendapatnya itu (apapun motivasi yang ia miliki) pada bukti-bukti internal dan eksternal. Sebenarnya, pendapatnya itu sangat kuat sehingga selama bebeapa waktu saya menjadi meyakininya!

Pertama, dalam menilai persoalan linguistik, Guthrie sedang menanggapi pernyataan Dionysius bahwa siapapun yang menulis Wahyu pasti bukan yang menulis Injil, karena bahasa Yunani yang dipakai dalam Wahyu adalah sungguh berbeda, bahkan sebenarnya sungguh jelek (Dionysius menamakannya bahasa “barbar”), sedangkan bahasa Yunani dalam Injil yang ke-empat menggunakan bahasa Yunani yang lumayan. Guthrie melukiskan satu gambaran yang seragam mengenai pandangan modern yang sebenarnya sama sekali tidak seragam: bahasa Yunani dalam Injil ke-empat, menurut beberapa sarjana, adalah bahasa Yunani sangat baik dengan hampir tidak memiliki unsur Semitisme,6 dan bahasa Yunani yang solestik dalam Wahyu kapanpun tidak bisa disebabkan oleh maksud tertentu.7

Kedua, meski Dionysius tidak menyatakannya secara langsung, namun ia mendasarkan pandangannya pada kesimpulan di zaman mula-mula. Maksudnya, nampaknya ia tidak hanya semata-mata mengadopsi sejumlah tulisan mengenai pernyataan terkenal dari Papias tentang “penatua Yohanes,” dalam menyimpulkan bahwa Yohanes adalah orang yang berbeda dari rasul Yohanes. Untuk itu sebaiknya kita melihat komentar Papias, karena ada banyak hal yang bergantung pada komentarnya tersebut.

2) Papias

Meski pernyataan Papias tidak mengatakan apapun mengenai siapa pengarang kitab Wahyu, nampaknya pernyataan Papias tersebut memungkinkan adanya dua Yohanes yang tinggal di Efesus yang terkenal itu. Dalam Fragments of Papias 2:3-4 ia berkata demikian:8

(2:3) Namun saya tidak akan mundur [untuk mengatakan] kepada anda sama seperti dalam banyak hal yang telah saya pelajari dengan baik dari para penatua—dan [sama seperti dalam banyak hal] saya mampu mengingat menyusun dengan sistematis dengan dalam interpretasi,9 sementara [di saat yang sama] menegaskan kebenaran atasnya. Karena saya tidak senang dengan mereka yang mengemukakan banyak hal (meski hal seperti itu disukai jemaat10), kecuali dengan mereka yang mengajarkan kebenaran. Saya juga tidak senang dengan mereka yang mengingat perintah-perintah yang lain, kecuali [hanya] dengan mereka yang [mengingat perintah-perintah] dari Tuhan yang telah diberikan dalam iman dan yang datang darinya dalam kebenaran.

(2:4) Namun kalau di satu tempat seseorang akan datang11 untuk memperingatkan para penatua, [perlu diketahui bahwa] saya [juga] telah sering menilai perkataan para penatua—[yakni,] apa yang Andreas atau Petrus atau Filipus atau Tomas atau Yakobus atau Yohanes atau Matius atau murid Tuhan lainnya telah katakan, bahkan apa yang Ariston dan penatua Yohanes, yang adalah murid Tuhan, telah kemukakan baru-baru ini. Karena saya tidak tergoda [dalam pandangan bahwa] perkataan dalam kitab-kitab itu memberi keuntungan pada saya sedikitpun sama seperti kebanyakan dari perkataan yang dari suara yang hidup dan teguh.

Perkataan yang terkenal diatas, yang dikutip dalam Eusebius, HE 3.38.4, dipakai sebagi bukti kuat bahwa rasul Yohanes itu dan penatua Yohanes itu bukanlah orang yang sama, dan bahwa penatua Yohanes itulah yang menulis Wahyu (cf. HE 3.38.5f.). Meski Guthrie telah sangat melebih-lebihkan pandangan yang menentang “bukti yang kuat” ini, namun ada beberapa kemungkinan bahwa keduanya memaksudkan Yohanes sebagai orang yang sama. Bukti untuk ini adalah sebagai berikut.

(1) Pertama, perlu dicatat bahwa hanya dua gelar yang dikemukakan disini—yakni penatua dan murid (bukan rasul). Keduanya menyebutkan Yohanes, langsung atau tidak langsung, memiliki gelar tersebut kepada orang tersebut. Jadi, ‘penatua Yohanes’ bukan satu gelar yang lebih rendah, karena disini Papias tidak menyebutkan ‘rasul Petrus,’ dsb.

(2) Sebutan kedua terhadap Yohanes adalah satu-satunya sebutan yang diberikan dalam daftar yang memiliki kata sandang definit (ὁ πρεσβύτερος ᾿Ιωάννης). Artikel ini mungkin bersifat anaforis. (Meski orang akan berharap kata sandangnya bersama πρεσβύτερος, kalau Papias memperkenalkannya sebagai untuk pertama kali maka cara yang paling wajar untuk melakukannya adalah dengan posisi atributif yang ketiga:(jΙωάννης ὁ πρεσβύτερος). Namun secara jujur, kata sandang tersebut jelas tidak bersifat anaforisdan orang mungkin akan dengan wajar berharap ada sejumlah qualifier jika Papias berkehendak untuk menyatakan dengan jelas Yohanes yang satu dari yang lainnya.

(3) Seperti yang dikemukakan I. T. Beckwith, penatua Yohanes “telah cukup dikenal sebagai rasul Yohanes, karena seperti yang terdapat dalam teksnya, disini ia disebut sebagai murid Tuhan, dan tidak ada Yohanes yang lain yang dikenal diantara murid Tuhan dalam Perjanjian Baru, atau yang selain dari kutipan dari Papias, menurut tradisi tiga abad  yang pertama” (Apocalypse, 363). Tentu saja, tidak ada seorang pun yang bernama Ariston dalam daftar murid Tuhan, kecuali yang disebutkan disini, jadi argumen ini tidak terlalu kuat seperti pada sebelumnya. (Lagi pula, seperti yang diakui Beckwith, kelompok kedua hampir tidak mungkin merupakan murid Tuhan secara persoal, karena Papias membicarakan mereka sebagai orang-orang yang masih berbicara [λέγουσω] pada abad c. AD 125—jadi, menganggap bahwa ειπεν dan λέγουσω bukan kata kerja dalam ungkapan langsung (yang sesuai dengan bagaimana kita menterjemahkannya).

(4) Ada kemungkinan Papias menganggap kelompok yang pertama semuanya sebagai pengarang Injil (meski secara tekhnis hanya Matius dan Yohanes yang termasuk dalam kelompok ini, dan kelompok orang yang kedua sebagai murid Tuhan yang mengenalnya secara pribadi. Ia nampaknya memaksudkan demikian dalam kalimat yang mengikutinya. Jika demikian, maka dalam satu hal Papias tidak hanya sedang membicarakan dua ‘Yohanes’ yang berbeda, melainkan dua macam ‘Yohanes’ yang berbeda— Injil (suara yang ditulis) dan orangnya (suara yang hidup). Jadi ia tidak perlu memperketat kaitannya (meski Injil yang keempat mungkin ditulis oleh ‘suara yang hidup’—apalagi jika ‘suara yang hidup’ itu lebih berarti.

(5) Akhirnya, Larfield (Die beiden Johannes von Ephesus [1914], 113-36) telah memberi satu peneguhan tekstual (lihat Beckwith, 365, untuk satu kesimpulan) yang bisa mengurangi ketegangan.

Kita tidak bermaksud berinterkasi dengan argumen-argumen ini, juga tidak bermaksud menjelaskannya dengan mendetai; kami hanya bermaksud membuat sketsa kerangka kerja bagaimana pernyataan Papias bisa dipahami secara berbeda. Namun, perlu dikemukankan disini bahwa (1) ada beberapa keraguan bahwa Papias sungguh menyebutkan dua orang yang bernama Yohanes, meski Dionysius kemungkinan menjadikan pernyataan ini sebagai landasan. (2) Meski kalau memang Papias membicarakan dua orang berbeda yang bernama Yohanes, ini tidak membuktikan apa-apa mengenai kepengarangan apostolik. Kasusnya jelas masih perlu diselesaikan dengan cara lain.

b. Yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik

Daftar penulis bapak Gereja yang menerima kepengarangan apostolik sungguh mengesankan dan terjadi sejak awal: Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement dari Alexandria, Origen, Hippolytus. Kalu Origen termasuk dalam daftar itu sangatlah berarti, karena di sama seperti Dionusius adalah dari aliran Alexandria. Seperti yang telah dikemukakan Guthrie, “sedikit kitab Perjanjian Baru yang memperoleh penegasan sejak awal.”12 Namun, perlu disebutkan disini bahwa kitab Wahyu, meski dengan segala dukungannya, mengalami pergumulan pengkanonan lebih lama dari kitab PB manapun. Akan tetapi, kitab Wahyu tidak ditolak terutama mengenai kepengarangannya, melainkan mengenai persoalan perspektif teologis—yakni, berkaitan dengan chiliasm.

2. Bukti Internal

Secara internal, bukti yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik tidaklah terlalu kuat. Sejujurnya, ini adalah yang meresahkan banyak sarjana saat ini.

a. Yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik

Ada tiga argumentasi internal yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik.

1) Dari kitab Wahyu. Pertama, ia dikenal dengan namanya saja oleh ketujuh gereja yang ia tulis. Ini akan lebih bisa dipercaya jika tulisan tersebut memang ditulis oleh rasul Yohanes. Kedua, ia mengharapkan gereja-gereja tersebut memberi respon yang baik dan mentaati tulisannya, karena ia menyampaikannya dengan otoritas (cf. 1:3; 22:9, 18ff.).13 Ketiga, meski ia menulis dalam bentuk gendre nubuatan gaya Yahui kuno, ada satu keunikan dalam tulisannya:  kalau tulisan nubuatan gaya Yahudi diasalkan pada orang-orang mulia jauh di masa lampau (misalnya, kepada Enoch, Ezra, Baruch), pengarangnya disini dengan jelas menyatakan dirinya sebagai “Yohanes saudara dan sekutumu.”14

2) Dari penjelasan Yohanes yang bersifat sinoptis. Dikenal dengan salah seorang dari “anak-anakguruh,” sifatnya bisa dilihat dalam tulisannya ini. Guthrie membicarakan banyak mengenai hal ini, meski hampir tidak pernah memberi komentar bahwa kebanyakan yang terdapat dalam kitab Wahyu itu dikarenakan oleh sifatnya yang bersifat nubuatan.

3) Dari satu perbandingan dengan tulisan Yohanes lainnya. Ini merupakan argumen yang terkuat yang mendukung kepengarangannya. Secara khusus ada kesamaan kuat antara tulisan ini dengan Injil yang keempat. Keduanya memiliki ide-ide yang sama, motif-motif teologi yang sama, istilah-istilah yang sama. Misalnya, hanya dalam Injil keempat dan dalam kitab Wahyu λόγος digunakan untuk Kristus. Selanjutnya, penggunaan simbol tujuh yang diulang-ulang dalam kitab ini  terdapat dalam injil Yohanes sebagai bagian dari argumennya (tujuh tanda, tujuh pernyataan “AKULAH”, dsb.). Memang, orang bisa berkata bahwa Wahyu lebih mendekati Injil keempat dalam pikiran dan gaya dibandingkan dengan kitab lainnya dalam kanon PB.

b. Yang menolak kepengarangan apostolik

Demikian juga ada tiga argumen yang menentang kepengarangan apostolik.

1) Persoalan sejarah. Ada laporan bertentangan di zaman dahulu mengenai kematian rasul Yohanes. Selanjutnya, kalau tulisan ini ditanggalkan pada akhir abad pertama—dan meski rasul Yohanes masih hidup pada zaman tersebut—bisakah orang setua itu menulis sejelas itu? Akan tetapi tidak perlu banyak memikirkan hal ini karena tradisi mengenai kematian Yohanes agak lunak, dan karena kita tidak mengetahui berapa usianya saat ia dipanggil sebagai murid (saat itu ia bisa saja baru berumur 20 awal, mungkin lebih muda), kita tidak bisa memberi komentar mengenai kekuatannya pada usia yang ke-90an.

2) Persoalan teologis. Persoalan teologi lebih kuat dibanding persoalan sejarah. Penekanan para Trinitas sebagai seorang penilik Patmos cukup berbeda dari yang dilakukan oleh Yohanes si penginjil. Allah adalah Pencipta, Kristus adalah Pahlawan, sedangkan Roh Kudus bukan satu melainkan tujuh (1:4). Perbedaan ini tidak terlalu berarti kalau kita menyadari bentuk tulisan dan tujuan kitab ini. Namun ada satu perbedaan teologis yang sangat berarti.

Kalau Injil keempat menekankan eskatologi yang telah nyata, Wahyu menekankan eskatologi futuristik. Kenyatannya akan sulit untuk menemukan doa perspektif eskatologis yang lebih ekstrim dalam kamom. Eskatologi yang ditekankan Yohanes penginjil adalah ‘yang sudah,’ namun yang menulis wahyu bersifat ‘belum terjadi.” Hal ini ditambah dengan argumentasi linguistik saya akui pernah menyakinkan saya selama beberapa waktu. Saya sebelumnya berpikir sungguh tidak mungkin penulis Injil bisa tertarik dengan eskatologi futuristik. Namun setelah yakin bahwa kemungkinan Yohanes penginjil jugalah yang menulis ketiga surat Yohanes, orang bisa melihat bagaimana ia bisa membuat pernyataan-pernyataan eskatologisnya. Sebenarnya, dalam rekonstruksi historis yang kami lakukan, kami menyarankan bahwa Injil Yohanes ditulis tidak lama sebelum perang Yahudi pecah, ketiga surat Yohanes ditulis saat peperangan terjadi, dan kitab Wahyu ditulis sedikit jauh setelah peperangan tersebut. Peperangan yang dialami orang Yahudi sungguh mempengaruhi pandangan dan cara menulis Yohanes, dan kalau dia menulis Wahyu 30 tahun sesudahnya, ia memiliki waktu untuk merenungi motif teologi yang baru (bagi dirinya). Selanjutnya, kalau tulisan ini ditulis di zaman pemerintaahan Domitian yang penuh teror, penulis dengan mudah bisa melihat satu pengenapannya di zamannya, jika bukan di akhir zaman. Pada akhirnya, perbedaan teologis tidak bisa saling dipertentangkan, meski keduanya mungkin memang  memiliki kerangka waktu yang berbeda. Dengan demikian, rasul Yohanes mungkin yang menulis keduanya.

3) Persoalan Linguistik. Banyak kesalahan tatbahasa dalam kitab Wahyu! “Pengarannya nampaknya tidak mengenal aturan-aturan dasar mengenai keteraturan. Ia menempatkan nominatif  bertolakbelakang [sic] dengan kasus-kasus lain, penggunaan partisipel secara tidak beraturan, susunan kalimat yang tidak lengkap, menambahkan kata ganti yang tidak perlu, mencampuraduk gender, kata bilangan dan kasus dan ia memperkenalkan beberapa susunan aneh. Kelihatannya sangatlah tidak meragukan bahwa penggunaan taabahasa dalam kitab ini berbeda dengan yang terdapat dalam Injil. Namun yang menjadi persoalan sebenarna adalah apakah orang yang sama yang membuat perbedaan-perbedaan ini.”15

Mengenai persoalan lingustik, nampaknya tidak mungkin orang yang sama yang mengarang Injil dan Wahyu yang hanya berselang beberapa tahun saja. Tidak hanya perbedaan linguistik, namun juga ada perbedaan dalam memahami tuisan-tulisan dalam Alkitab. Banyak sarjana yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik untuk kedua buku itu akan berpendapat bahwa kitab Wahyu ditulis lebih dulu kemudian injil Yohanes. Alasannya adalah bahwa rasul Yohanes memerlukan waktu untuk memperbaiki bahasa Yunaninya. Namun pendapat ini salah dalam dua hal (1) itu mengabaikan persoalan psikologis: bukankah seseorang yang telah berusia 50an telah memiliki cara yang mapan dalam berbicara dan berpikir? Apakah mungkin ia bisa memperbaiki bahasanya selama tigapuluh tahun kemudian, kalau ia berbicara dan menulis dengan cara tertentu selama lebih dari setengah abad? (2) Pandangan ini beranggapan bahwa bahasa Yunani dalam Wahyu dikarenakan oleh kebodohan pengarangnya dalam sintaksis bahasa Yunani, dimana kenyataannya kemungkinan ada faktor lain yang menyebabkannya.

Kami setuju bahwa tidak mungkin Yohanes menulis kedua kitab itu di waktu yang sama. Bukti linguistik (juga dalam penggunaan Alkitab) meyakinkan kami akan hal ini. Namun kami ingin mengemukakan pandangan lain: seiring bertambahnya usia rasul Yohanes, bahasa alkitab PL telah menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dalam kosakatanya. Kami yakin ia menulis Injil pada usia 60an. Tigapuluh tahun kemudian setelah menggembalakan jemaat di Asia Kecil, bahasa Yohanes bisa saja dengan mudah menjadi sangat dipengaruhi oleh tulisan-tulisan Alkitab yang ia ajarkan. Ini biasanya terjadi pada pengkhotba lanjut usia yang menggunakan Alkitab King James selama hidupnya. Pada usiannya yang semakin tua ia akan hampir kurang bisa memahami ungkapan-ungkapan modern! Dalam kitab Wahyu setidaknya ada hampir 40 referensi dari PL, meski tidak satupun yang langsung menggunakan sintaksis asli dari PL yang ia pakai, meski sintaksi seperti itu akan tidak sesuai dengan konteks tulisannya sendiri (cf. 1:4-5, etc.). Kebanyakan diantaranya memang disengaja; tapi banyak juga yang tidak. Namun saat Yohanes menjadi semakin tua, bahasa alkitab menjadi bagian dari struktur linguistik yang ia buat.

Sebagai kesimpulan, kami berpikir bahwa keseimbangan bukti yang ada masih mendukung kepengarangan apostolik, meski pada saat rasul Yohanes menulis Injil keempat pasti lebih dulu dari saatnya ia menulis kitab Wahyu dalam beberapa tahun. Yohanes adalah pengarang kitab Wahyu. Adolph Schlatter, “yang mendukung kepengarangan apostolik dalam tulisan-tulisan Yohanes, menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada rasul lain yang memberi ajaran yang sebegitu lengkap—iman dalam Injil, kasih dalam surat-surat, dan harapan dalam Wahyu.”16 Kita bisa menambahkan disini bahwa karena Yohanes nampaknya mengenal Tuhan lebih dekat dari murid-murid lainnya saat Kristus datang pada kali yang pertama, nampaknya wajar kalau dia juga dipilih untuk melihatNYa dalam kedatanganNya pada kali yang kedua dengan cara yang paling intim. Sebenarnya, atas analogi perkataan Yesus dalam Matt 16:28, yang digenapi dalam Transfigurasi (17:1ff.), maka mungkin saja Wahyu Yesus Kristus yang ditulis oleh Yohanes adalah satu penggenapan Yohanes 21:21-23.

B. Penanggalan

Tanpa memastikan penanggalan yang mendetail, kami yakin bahwa kitab ini ditulis pada zaman pemerintahan Domitian (c. 95-96 CE), bukan di zaman pemerintahan Nero. Meski ada alasan yang baik kalau menanggalkannya pada pemerintahan Nero (lihat Robinson), dalam hal pembahasan kita mengenai kepengarangan apostolik juga karena perbedaan linguistik dibandingkan dengan Injil yang keempat, kami lebih suka penanggalan tradisional (karena kami telah yakin dengan tahun ke 60an untuk Injil).17

C. Penerima

Kitab Wahyu ditulis kepada ketujuh jemaat di dataran Asia Kecil. Meski beberapa sarjana lebih suka melihat ketujuh jemaat ini sebagai wakil dari ketujuh zaman yang berbeda dalam sejarah gereja, namun tidak ada pembenaran untuk pandangan seperti ini yang didukung oleh teks itu sendiri ataupun dari sejarh gereja. Akan tetapi ketujuh gereja ini mungkin dipilih karena mewakili macam-macam gereja dan orang Kristen yang dikenal Yohanes dan yang ia layani.

D. Latarbelakang dan Tujuan

1. Latarbelakang

Latarbelakan tulisan ini sangat mungkin terjadi saat penganiayaan gencar terjadi pada orang-orang Kristen (1:9). Jika ini berkaitan dengan penganiayaan yang dilakukan oleh Domitianic, maka Penilik Patmos ini akan berpikir sampaikapan eskaton itu akan terjadi. Kemungkinan besar ia menyakini bahwa penganiayaan yang ia alami menunjukkan bahwa akhir zaman itu telah sangat dekat. Saat itu berakhir, ada satu gelombang penggenapan (sama seperti saat Hadrian meratakan Yerusalem pada 135 CE akan menjadi gelombang ketiga, dst.). Namun harapan eskatologis selalu ada dalam tulisan-tulisan PB—khususnya dalam masa-masa sulit, sama seperti pentingnya kesabaran yang selalu diperlukan.

2. Tujuan

Kitab Wahyu ditujukan untuk mendorong orang percaya dalam penganiayaan di zaman Romawi, dengan mengungkapkan bahwa Mesias mereka masih memegang kendali dan pada akhirnya akan menjadi pemenang. Dikaitkan dengan keadaan di zaman sekarang, meski saya meyakini posisi futuris ada banyak kebenaran dalam posisi preteris. Paling tidak Yohanes menggunakan keadaan di zamannya sebagai referensi awal dalam interpretasi teksnya, dan lebih dari itu, ia sendiri mungkin menulis tulisannya dengan cara seperti itu karena ia berpikir akhir zaman telah sangat dekat. Sejalan dengan tujuan ini, maka orang yang menafsirkan Wahyu dengan satu aliran saja akan kehilangan banyak yang disiratkan dalam kitab ini.18

E. Aliran-aliran Interpretasi19

Ada empat aliran interpretasi (dalam hal skema kronologi kitab Wahyu,  bukan dalam hal aliran eskatologi semata): preteris, historis, futuris, dan idealis.

(1) Pendekatan preteris percaya bahwa “Wahyu hanyalah satu gambaran keadaan kekaisaran abad pertama.”20 Meski, seperti yang telah kami jelaskan, kita tidak bisa memisahkan interpretasi kitab ini dari latarbelakangnya (dengan demikian ada kebenaran dalam pendekataan ini), namun pandangan seperti ini tidak bisa dengan memadai menjelaskan semua data dalam kitab Wahyu, karena pengarangnya menyatakan dengan gamblang bahwa kitab ini adalah tulisan yang menjelaskan masa depan (cf. 4:1).

(2) Pendekatan historis (atau historikis-berlanjut) “melihat kitab Wahyu sebagai satu presntasi simbolis keseluruhan sejarah gereja  sejak awal abad pertama hingga akhir zaman.”21  Namun ada beberapa persoalan dengan pandangan ini. “Pertama, identifikasi yang pasti atas kejadian-kejadian sejarah dengan simbol-simbolnya tidak pernah bisa lengkap dibuat, bahkan setelah kejadian-kejadian tersebut terjadi…. Kedua, para penafsir aliran historikal tidak pernah bisa dengan memuaskan menjelaskan mengapa satu nubuatan umum harus dibuat menguntungkan kekaisaran Roma bagian barat…. Ketiga, kalau memang pendekatan historis-berlanjut benar, maka prediskinya akan cukup mudah agar para pembacanya [yang mula-mula] bisa memahami apa maksudnya [cf. 22:10].”22

(3) Pendekatan futuris berpendapat bahwa “semua versi dari Wahyu 4:1 hingga bagian akhir kitab ini akan nanti digenapi pada periode segerea sebelum dan mengikuti kedatangan Kristus yang kedua.”23 Pendekatan ini adalah yang paling memuaskan karena (1) kemungkinan bahwa 1:19 dimaksudkan untuk menjadi garisbesar kitab ini; (2) terminus ad quem atas kedatangan Kristus yang kedua sebenarnya mendukung hal in, karena “saat kejadian-kejadian ini mengarah pada terminus ini dalam suksesi yang dekat, orang akan mengingat apa yang terjadi sebelumnya dan berkata bahwa banyak dari kejadian ini masih harus terjadi di mas depan karena penggenapannya belum terjadi dan karena simbol-simbolnya nampaknya merupakan pergantian kejadian-kejadian yang terjadi dengan cepat dan bukan merupakan satu proses yang lama”;24 dan (3) “semakin seseorang menggunakan interpretasi literal, maka semakin ia akan menjadi seorang futuris.”25

(4) Pendekatan idealis beanggapan, “Wahyu mewakili konflik abadi antara kebaikan dan kejahatan yang berlangsung di sepanjang masa, meski dalam hal ini hal itu memiliki aplikasi tertentu bagi zaman gereja.”26 Namun sama seperti pandangan aliran preteris, pendekatan ini mengabaikan elemen prediktif dalam kitab ini. Singkatnya, “pandangan idealist memang memiliki banyak kebenaran. Kesalahannya tidak terdapat dalam apa yang ditegaskannya melainkan banyak dalam apa yang dibantahnya.”27

Pendakatan kita terhadap kitab Wahyu pada dasarnya adalah dari perspektif futuris, meski aliran preteris dan idealis tidak bisa sepenuhnya dikesampingkan karena nampaknya juga ini merupakan bagian dari tujuan pengarangnya.

E. Tema

Tema kitab ini dinyatakan dalam ayat pertama: “Wahyu Yesus Kristus.” Kitab Wahyu adalah wahyu dari Dia maupun tentang Dia, dan pada dasarnya merupakan satu wahyu tentang Dia yang akan datang sebagai pahlawan dan raja. Pada intinya kitab ini menyatakan: “Yesus akan menang!”

II. Argument

Yohanes memulai suratnya yang berkelipatan tujuh ini dengan mengumandangkan sumber pewahuan kitab ini (1:1-3), diikuti salam kepada gereja-gereja di Asia Kecil (1:4-8).

Ini segera diikuti oleh visi mengenai Kristus yang dimuliakan (1:9-20) dimana terdapat garisbesar untuk kitab ini (1:19), yakni apa yang telah terjadi (1:1-20), apa yang sedang terjadi (2:1–3:22), dan apa yang akan terjadi (4:1–22:21). Setelah menggambarkan latarbelakangnya (1:9-11), Yohanes menampilkan suasana yang agung dan menakutkan mengenai Kristus yang telah dibangkitkan dan dimuliakan (1:12-16). Sama seperti Yesaya di zaman dulu (cf. Isa 6), karena Yohanes mengalami visi yang jelas mengenai Allah, ia merasakan keberdosaan yang mendalam (cf. 1:17). Tuhan yang telah dimuliakan kemudian menugaskan kepadnya untuk menulis kitab ini (1:19-20).

Bagian kedua dipenuhi oleh pesan Tuhan kepada ketujuh jemaat—yakni apa yang sedang terjadi (2:1–3:22). Satu pesan yang singkat, umumnya berisi teguran dan janji, dan berisi penjelasan diri mengenai Tuhan yang telah dimuliakan ditulis kepada jemaat di: Efesus (2:1-7), Smirna (2:8-11), Pergamus (2:12-17), Tiatira (2:8-29), Sardis (3:1-6), Filadelphia (3:7-13), dan Laodikia (3:14-22).

Bagian terbesar kitab ini berisi apa yang akan terjadi di masa depan, atau tentang penggenapan semua hal (4:1–22:21). Yohanes mulai dengan tayangan pendahuluan di sorga (4:1–5:14), yang mengungkapkan Allah yang suci mulia (4:1-11) dan karya penebusan dari Anak Domba, Singa dari suku Yehuda (5:1-14). Karena visi yang mengikutinya akan menjadi menakutkan mengenai kehancuran manusia dan penghakiman dari Allah, kedua tema kembar ini perlu dinyatakan kepada rasul Yohanes dengan cara yang berbeda terlebih dahulu. Jadi Yohanes memperkenalkan masa tribulasi (4:1–18:24) dengan cara terlebih dahulu merasakan kekudusan Allah dan upah penebusan. Hanya dengan cara demikian ia bisa melihat visi sesudahnya dengan benar.

Setelah itu diikuti sejumlah penghakiman, yang semuanya dikelompokkan menjadi tujuh. Kelompok penghakiman yang pertama ada tujuh materai penghakiman (6:1–8:1), meski itu dinyatakan dalam dua gelombang. Keenam yang pertama dinyatakan dengan mendetai (6:1-17), diikuti oleh satu bagian sisipan (7:1-17). Dalam sisipan ini dinyatakan bagaimana 144,000 orang Israel dimateraikan (7:1-8) dan penyembahan yang dilakukan sejumlah orang percaya yang adalah martir di zaman tribulasi (kemungkinan adalah orang-orang yang bukan Yahudi) yang melakukan penyembahan (7:9-17). Ditengah-tengah murka Allah yang ditumpahkan dalam bentuk tujuh materai, terdapat visi mengenai pengharapan dan keselamatan. Sekali lagi motif kekudusan Allah (7:15-16) dan penebusan dari Kristus (7:17) adalah hal yang melekat erat. Segera setelah penglihatan yang mulia ini, ketujuh materai ini ditumpahkan (8:1).

Ketujuh kelompok penghakiman berikut adalah ketujuh sangkakala (8:2–11:19), yang dirancang bergaya Mesir. Penghakiman sangkakala-sangkakala bersifat lebih drastis, pasti, dan final dibandingkan dengan penghakiman dari materai, namun tidak se-universal seperti penghakiman cawan yang mengikutinya. Sekali lagi setelah satu penjelasan enam penghakiman (8:2–9:21), ada sisipan yang mengikutinya (10:1–11:14), yang berkaitan dengan kitab kecil (10:1-11) dan dua saksi (11:1-14). Sebagai satu bagian singkat yang tedus sebelum terjadi badai, satu sisipan sebelum terjadinya penghakiman terakhir diberikan kepada Yohanes. Dan sama seperti pada sisipan yang pertama, yang ini mengingatkan dia akan kemuliaan Allah (10:6a), dan pentingnya untuknya melanjutkan tugas yang diberikan kepadanya—meski ia mengalami ketidaknyamanan (10:6b-11), dan ketidaksabaran manusia, meski mereka memiliki saksi (11:1-14). Ketujuh sangkakala kemudian dinyatakan (11:15-19), meski tidak ada yang khusus dalam penghakiman ini (sama seperti pada materai yang ketujuh).28

Kemudian dalam pergantian yang cepat, tiga sisipan dinyatakan. Pertama, dijelaskan tentang wanita dan perang (12:1-18). Ular yang berperang melawan wanita itu adalah Setan; kekerasannya terhadap wanita itu, yang adalah Israel dan anaknya, yakni Mesias, digambarkan dengan jelas. Sisipan pertama ini menjelaskan kejadian yang sama seperti yang terdapat dalam pasal 6-11, meski dari sudut yang berbeda. Kalau pada pasal-pasal  sebelumnya dinampakkan tayangan tentang Allah, namun disini Setan ditayangkan. Sisipan setelah itu adalah mengenai dua binatang (13:1-18). Setelah rencana Setan untuk memusnahkan wanita dan anaknya itu gagal, ia kemudian mengambil langkah selanjutnya. Dalam pasal 13 terdapat akhir dari hal itu. Sekarang binatang-binatang itu mengincar para orang suci (13:7), juga seisi dunia ini (13:8).

Sisipan keenam kembali mengenai pandangan ilahi (14:1-20), yakni, penghakiman oleh Anak Domba. Tayangannya pertama menggambarkan 144,000 orang menyembahNya (14:1-5), diikuti oleh pengumuman mengenai kehancuran di dunia oleh tiga malaikat (14:6-12). Di tengah-tengan prediksi penghakiman yang akan datang berkat diberikan kepada para orang suci yang menjadi martir di masa tersebut (14:13). Kemudian Anak Domba itu digambarkan sebagai penuai (14:14-16) yang menuai penghakiman global yang berakibat pertumpahan darah diantara penghuni bumi (14:17-20).

Rangkaian penghakiman terakhir adalah tujuh cawan penghakiman (15:1–18:24). Ada pendahuluan yang panjang mengawali penghakiman-penghakiman ini (15:1–16:1), yang menunjukkan pada akibat-akibat yang terjadi saat penghakiman-penghakiman itu dilaksanakan (15:5–16:1), meski didahului dengan catatan berisi harapan dan keteguhan yang dilihat dalam angkatan  baru yang terdiri dari para martir yang menyanyi di sorga (15:1-4). Kemudian datanglah penghakiman-penghakiman tersebut (16:2-21). Enam dari tujuh penghakiman ini adalah tulah yang sama dengan yang diberikan kepada orang Mesir, meski kali ini lebih memuncak dan universal.

Segera setelah cawan penghakiman yang ketujuhterdapat penghakiman terhadap si pelacur besar (17:1-18). Namanya adalah “rahasia, Babel” (17:5), jadi ini tidak mengacu pada nama kota sesungguhnya, seperti yang bisa dilihat dalam tafsiran yang diberikan (17:18). Semangat Babel terdapat pada kota sekuler: di zaman Yohanes itu adalah Roma, sedangkan di zaman kita sekarang adalah Washington. Kejatuhan kota ini kemudian digambarkan dalam 18:1-24. Namun kota ini tidak bersifat politik atau agamawi seperti dalam pasal 17, melainkan bersifat komersial, seperti yang bisa dilihat oleh mereka yang meratapi pemusnahannya (18:9-19). Meski para pedangan dan nahkoda kapal meratapinya, sukacita dialami oleh mereka yang kudus (18:20).

Bagian utama yang terakhir pada bagian yang ketiga ini adalah mengenai ketujuh hal terakhir (19:1–22:5). Satu transisi diberikan untuk kerajaan milenial (19:1–20:15), namun terfokus pada dua wanita: pada si pelacur dan pada pengantin (19:1-10). Sekali lagi, penghakiman diberi diselah-sela berkat. Kemudian dalam pergantian yang cepat, datang ketujuh hal terakhir (19:11–22:5)—keenam yang pertama dinyatakan dalam urutan kronologisyang berkaitan dengan kerajaan milenial.

Pertama, kedatangan Kristus kali yang kedua dinyatakan (19:11-16). Kedua, peperangan di akhir zaman dinyatakan dengan pesta bagi burung-burung (19:17-21). Ketiga, Setan diikat selama seribu tahun (20:1-3). Keempat, kerajaan mileniul digambarkan (20:4-6). Kelima, pada akhir seribu tahun, Setan sekali lagi dilepaskan dan dihancurkan (20:7-10). Keenam, takhta putih agung dinyatakan pada akhir milenium (20:11-15).

Hal terakhir yang ketujuh (21:1–22:5) suasana keabadian. Tindakan Allah dalam menciptakan langit dan bumi yang baru perlu diimani karena itu dikumandangkan dari takhta (21:3-8). Yohanes menceritakan kepada kita apa yang ia lihat yakni Yerusalem baru (21:9–22:5). Kota ini dibangun kembali seluruhnya dan sungguh gemerlap (21:9-21), dimana tidak ada bait suci karena Allah dan Anak Domba adalah bait suci (21:22-27). Ditengah-tengahnya adalah sungai kehidupan (22:1-3a), dan Allah dan Anak Domba mentediakan terang baginya (22:3b-5).

Setelah akhir visi mengenai masa depan ini, Yohanes memberi kesimpulan dengan cara mengundang pembaca (22:6-21). Ada tiga pihak yang memberi kesaksian mengenai kebenaran kitab ini: malaikat (22:6-11), Yesus sendiri (22:12-17), dan Yohanes (22:18-21).

III. Garisbesar29

I. Apa yang telah terjadi: pada Kristus (1:1-20)

A. Pendahuluan (1:1-8)

1. Prolog (1:1-3)

2. Salam (1:4-8)

B. Penglihatan tentang Kristus (1:9-20)

1. Latar (1:9-11)

2. Tayangan (1:12-16)

3. Sejumlah Respon dan perintah (1:17-20)

II. Apa yang sedang terjadi: pada Gereja (2:1–3:22)

A. Pesan kepada jemaat Efesus (2:1-7)

B. Pesan kepada jemaat Smirna (2:8-11)

C. Pesan kepada jemaat Pergamus (2:12-17)

D. Pesan kepada jemaat Tiatira (2:18-29)

E. Pesan kepada jemaat Sardis (3:1-6)

F. Pesan kepada jemaat Filadelfia (3:7-13)

G. Pesan kepada jemaat Laodikia (3:14-22)

III. Apa yang akan terjadi: Penggenapan (4:1–22:21)

Zaman Tribulasi (4:1–18:24)

A. Pendahuluan: Penglihatan dari Sorga (4:1–5:14)

1. Takhta Tuhan Allah Mahakuasa (4:1-11)

2. Kitab Singa dari Yehuda (5:1-14)

B. Ketujuh Materai Penghakiman (6:1–8:1)

1. Materai pertama (6:1-2)

2. Materai kedua(6:3-4)

3. Materai  ketiga (6:5-6)

4. Materai keempat (6:7-8)

5. Materai kelima (6:9-11)

6. Materai keenam (6:12-17)

(Sisipan pertama: 144,000 orang Israel dan orang banyak yang tidak terhitung [7:1-17])

a. Pemateraian 144,000 orang Israel (7:1-8)

b. Penyembahan dari orang-orang kudus zaman Tribulasi (7:9-17)

7. Materai ketujuh(8:1)

C. Tujuh Sangkakala Penghakiman (8:2–11:19)

1. Sangkakala pertama (8:2-7)

2. Sangkakala kedua (8:8-9)

3. Sangkakala ketiga (8:10-11)

4. Sangkakala keempat (8:12-13)

5. Sangkakala kelima (9:1-12)

6. Sangkakala keenam (9:13-21)

(Sisipan kedua: Kitab kecil dan dua saksi [10:1–11:14])

a. Kitab kecil (10:1-11)

b. Dua saksi (11:1-14)

7. Sangkakala ketujuh (11:15-19)

(Sisipan ketiga: Perempuan dan Perang [12:1-18])

a. Lahirnya Anak laki-laki (12:1-6)

b. Peperangan di Sorga (12:7-12)

c. Penganiayaan perempuan itu (12:13-18)

(Sisipan keempat: Dua binatang [13:1-18])

a. Binatang dari laut (13:2-10)

b. Binatang dari bumi (13:11-18)

(Sisipan kelima: Penghakiman oleh Anak Domba [14:1-20])

a. 144,000 peneymbah Anak Domba (14:1-5)

b. Tiga pengumuman penghakiman dari malaikat (14:6-12)

1) Terhadap seluruh dunia (14:6-7)

2) Terhadap Babel (14:8)

3) Terhadap penyembah binatang itu (14:9-12)

c. Berkat untuk para Martir (14:13)

d. Penghakiman atas tuaian (14:14-16)

e. Penghakiman atas pohon anggur (14:17-20)

D. Tujuh cawan penghakiman (15:1–18:24)

1. Pengumuman penghakiman angung (15:1–16:21)

a. Pendhuluan atas cawan penghakiman (15:1–16:1)

1) Nyanyian Musa dinyanyikan para martir (15:1-4)

2) Tayangan di Sorga tentang para malaikat (15:5–16:1)

b. Cawan pertama (16:2)

c. Cawan kedua (16:3)

d. Cawan ketiga (16:4-7)

e. Cawan keempat (16:8-9)

f. Cawan kelima (16:10-11)

g. Cawan keenam (16:12-16)

h. Cawan ketujuh (16:17-21)

2. Penghakiman atas si Pelacur besar (17:1-18)

a. Penglihatan tentang si pelacur (17:1-6)

b. Arti penglihatan itu (17:7-18)

1) Keadaan di masa sekarang (17:7-8)

2) Penghakiman di masa akan datang (17:9-18)

a) Ketujuh kepala (17:9-11)

b) Sepuluh tanduk (17:12-14)

c) Wanita pelacur (17:15-18)

3. Jatuhnya kota besar (18:1-24)

a. Pengumuman atas jatuhnya Babel (18:1-3)

b. Penyebab kejatuhan (18:4-8)

c. Ratapan atas kejatuhannya (18:9-19)

1) Oleh raja-raja (18:9-10)

2) Oleh pedangang (18:11-17)

3) Oleh para nahkoda (18:18-19)

d. Sukacita atas kejatuhannya (18:20)

e. Akibat kejatuhannya (18:21-24)

E. Tujuh hal terakhir (19:1–22:5)

Kerajaan Seribu tahun (19:1–20:15)

1. Pendahuluan: Pujian atas penghakiman atas wanita Pelacur dan atas perkawinan Penganting (19:1-10)

a. Penghakiman atas wanita pelacur itu (19:1-5)

b. Perkawinan pengantin (19:6-10)

2. Hal terakhir yang pertama: Kedatanga Kristus Keduakali (19:11-16)

3. Hal terakhir yang kedua: Perjamuan dan penyembelihan (19:17-21)

4. Hal terakhir yang ketiga: Setan diikat (20:1-3)

5. Hal terakhir yang keempat: Kerajaan Mesias (20:4-6)

6. Hal terakhir yang kelima: Setan dilepaskan (20:7-10)

7. Hal terakhir yang keenam: Takhta Putih Agung (20:11-15)

Keabadian (21:1–22:5)

8. Hal terakhir yang ketujuh: Langit dan bumi baru (21:1–22:5)

a. Penglihatan dikumandangkan (21:1-2)

b. Langit dan bumi baru: Dikumandangkan dari Takhta (21:1-8)

c. Yerusalem baru: dilihat oleh Yohanes (21:9–22:5)

1) Kota baru (21:9-21)

2) “Bukan-Bait Suci” (21:22-27)

3) Sungai kehidupan (22:1-3a)

4) Cahaya Anak Domba (22:3b-5)

F. Epilog (22:6-21)

1. Kesaksian dari malaikat (22:6-11)

2. Kesaksian dari Yesus (22:12-17)

3. Kesaksian dari Yohanes (22:18-21)


1 Sebenarnya ditulis pada bulan Januari 1992. Hanya sedikit modifikasi telah dibuat.

2 J. F. Walvoord, The Revelation of Jesus Christ, 12.

3 Guthrie, 936. Semua referensi atas Guthrie untuk kitab ini mengacu pada bukunya dalam edisi pertama (1970), bukan dalam edisi refisi.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Lihat E. C. Colwell, The Character of the Greek of the Fourth Gospel (Disertasi Doktor di University of Chicago, 1930; diterbitkan pada 1931).

7 Persoalan mengenai linguistik akan dibahas lebih mendalam pada bagian berikut, dalam bukti internal.

8 Berikut ini adalah terjemahan yang saya lakukan.

9 συγκατατάξαι ταῖς ἑρμηνείαις—atau, mungkin, ‘dirangkaikan dengan penjelasan tampahan lainnya.’

10 ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοί—secara harafiah, ‘sama seperti yang banyak [adalah].’ Jelas ada permainan kata antara ‘namyak hal’ (τὰ πολλά) dan ‘banyak orang’ (οἱ πολλοί).

11 εἰ...ἔλθοι—protasis atas kondisi kelas keempat.

12 Guthrie, 933.

13 Satu pandangan Guthrie, meski perlu diketahui bahwa pernyataan-pernyataan ini adalah wajar dalam literatur yang bersifat wahyu dan yang akan diharapkan oleh pengarang manapun untuk menyampaikan pesannya dalam bentuk tulisan seperti ini. Di saat yang sama, tulisan seperti ini biasanya memerlukan nama yang memiliki otoritas, dan kadang kalau dalam bentuk pseudopigrafik.  Hal ini sebenarnya mendukung kepengarangan apostolik karena pengarang kitab Wahyu tidak merasa perlu untuk menyatakan identitasnya secara eksplisit lebih dari hanya sekedar nama saja.

14 Guthrie mengemukakan bahwa wahyu Petrus kurang bagus dibandingkan dengan tulisan ini karena “nampaknya dimunculkan untuk dikompetisikan dengannya” (937).

15 Guthrie, 940.

16 Guthrie, 949, n. 1.

17 Lihat Guthrie mengenai argumentasi untuk kedua pandangan ini, 949-61. JUga, lihat tesis master oleh Ragan Ewing (Dallas Theological Seminary, 2002) untuk argumentasi-argumentasi yang baik di zaman sebelum 70-an.

18 Sebenarnya, ada kebenaran dalam pandangan idealist, karena pada eskaton yang terakhir, pergumulan antara kebaikan dan kejahatan akan sirna, sebagai satu contoh nyata, atas apa yang selalu dikaitkan dalam perjuangan seperti itu pada prinsipnya.

19 Dalam menghadapi hal ini, lihat M. C. Tenney, Interpreting Revelation, 136-46. Komentar kami disini perlu lebih ringkas.

20 Tenney, ibid., 136.

21 Ibid., 137.

22 Ibid., 138-39.

23 Ibid., 139.

24 Ibid., 142.

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid., 143.

27 Ibid.

28 Karena alasan ini dan alasan-alasan lain juga, yang menuntun saya untuk meyakini bahwa baik pemahaman mengenai penghakiman yang bersifat suksesif maupun yang bersifat rekapitulasi adalah benar. Dalam pendekatan kita, keenam materai penghakiman yang pertama terjadi pada paruh pertama 70 minggu yang dinubuatkan Daniel. Materai yang ketujuh terdapat dalam paruh kedua 70 minggu tersebut. Dalam paruh minggu kedua terdapat ketujuh sangkakala meski enam diantaranya terdapat dalam perempat yang ketiga dalam tribulasi. Terompet ketujuh terdapat dalam perempat yang keempat. Akhirnya, cawan penghakiman yang ketujuh akan semuanya dituangkan pada akhir quartal tribulasi. Tidak hanya pandangan ini cukup simetris (seperti kitab Wahyu itu sendiri), namun nampaknya hal itu mengungkapkan satu intensitas tertentu terhadap penghakiman seiring waktu.

29 Sebenarnya kitab Wahyu telah memiliki garisbesar sendiri, seperti yang terdapat dalam 1:19 sebagai kunci kitab Wahyu (seperti yang digunakan oleh aliran futurist). Garisbesar yang digunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah satu modifikasi dari apa yang dipelajari dari S. Lewis Johnson, Jr., dalam matakuliah “The Book of Revelation” (Dallas Seminary, 1976). Dalam bagiam utama kitab Wahyu (yakni pasal 4–22) terdapat variasi dalam cara bagaimana membuat bagirsbesarnya, yakni bisa yang bersifat kronologis (tribulasi, kerajaan milenial, kekekalan), atau dengan mengikuti susunan yang berkaitan dengan beberapa hal yang berjumlah “tujuh.” Seperti apa yang kami lakukan dalam sejumlah kitab PB, satu pendekatan linear saja hanya memiliki kebenaran setengah. Sebagai kompensasinya, kami akan memasukkan garisbesar kedua yang kami tulis dalam huruf miring (seperti yang kami lakukan dalam perjalanan-perjalanan misi Paulus dalam Kisah Para Rasul), meski itu tidak merupakan bagian resmi dalam garisbesarnya.

Related Topics: Introductions, Arguments, Outlines

Progression Versus Recapitulation in Revelation 20:1-6: Some Overlooked Arguments

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Editorial Preface: This essay was delivered at the 50th annual Evangelical Theological Society conference, held in Danvers, MA in November 1999.

Introduction

In recent years several writers have argued for a preconsummationist perspective1 of Rev 20:1-10, and, for the most part, have adopted a recapitulation approach.2 The preconsummationist/recapitulational/ amillennial view has the following elements: (1) The binding of Satan represents the victory of Christ over the powers of darkness accomplished at the cross. (2) The 1,000 years is symbolic of a long, indeterminate period, corresponding to the age of the church (now). (3) Satan will be loosed briefly to wreak havoc and to persecute the church in the end of the present age. (4) The fire coming from heaven and consuming the wicked is symbolic of Christ’s Second Coming. (5) A general resurrection and judgment of the evil and the good will occur at Christ’s coming, followed by the creation of new heavens and a new earth.3

The postconsummationist/progressive/premillennial viewpoint4 argues: (1) The binding of Satan is yet future. It will take place when Christ returns. (2) The 1,000 years is a literal period during which Christ will reign on earth from Jerusalem, with His people. (3) The loosing of Satan will bring the Millennium to its climax, followed by the resurrection and judgment of the wicked at the Great White Throne. (4) The new heavens and new earth will be created after the Millennium, i.e., 1,000 years after Christ’s Second Coming.5

Premillennialists have argued for this view with the following arguments: (1) It maintains a consistent, literal hermeneutic that allows Israel and the church to fulfill their respective promises. Thus, a literal reading of Rev 19:11–20:10 supports a premillennial view.6 (2) Revelation 20:1-10 contains the fourth and fifth scenes of the seventh bowl judgment (16:17), which is the last of the seven plagues.7 (3) The binding of Satan is absolute, a state which is unknown in history.8 (4) The relation of Satan’s consignment to the lake of fire after the 1000 years (20:7-10) and that of the beast and the false prophet before the 1000 years require a future Millennium.9 (5) The two occurrences of ἔζησαν in 20:4-5 argue for a future Millennium.10

On the other hand, those who hold to a preconsummationist/recapitulation view argue as follows: (1) No other passage of Scripture mentions a 1000-year period. (2) A symbolic interpretation is consistent with the apocalyptic nature of the text. (3) The historic creeds of the church do not mention an intermediate Messianic kingdom between this age and the eternal kingdom.11 Robert Strimple has argued that the NT does not only not teach a future millennial kingdom, it rules out an earthly millennial kingdom following Christ’s return. He defends this assertion by arguing that the NT reveals the following end-time events as concurrent: the Second Coming of Christ, the resurrection and rapture of believers, the resurrection of the unjust, judgment for all, the end, the new heaven and new earth, and the inauguration of the final kingdom of God, the eternal state of the redeemed.12 Partially, this is an issue of philosophy of language: there is not necessarily any correspondence between language and reality. What this means is that language, in and of itself, does not tell us anything either about reality or even a writer’s viewpoint of reality. It only records the writer’s presentation of reality.13 Strimple is correct in asserting that in many places the NT portrays the above mentioned events as concurrent, or at least events that rapidly succeed one another. However, Revelation literarily portrays several events as separated by 1000 years. Secondly, when so many events are associated with the return of Christ, why is it difficult to believe that an intermediate earthly 1000-year kingdom can be part of this complex, especially since an eternal one is associated with it? Thirdly, several OT passages associate certain time periods with the end. Ezekiel 39:9, 11 speaks about burning the weapons of Gog and Magog for seven years after the end-time battle, and of burying the dead for seven months. What is the point of such activities if the new heaven and new earth and the eternal state immediately follow the return of Christ and the conclusion of this battle? Daniel 12:11-12 mentions 1290 days and 1335 days associated with the end. These days certainly overlap with the 1260 days of Rev 12:6, but what is the significance of the extension. One may argue that the numbers are symbolic, but the units of time still keep their temporal significance. Even if the actual time is debatable because of the symbolic significance of the numbers, very few would argue that the actual duration of time is less than the literal referents of the numbers associated with the temporal units of measurement.14 Thus, at least seven years would occur between the coming of Christ and the new heaven and earth.

In addition to the above arguments for a preconsummationist perspective, R. Fowler White has advanced three specific arguments favoring recapitulation (1) the discrepancy between the events depicted in Rev 19:11-21 and Rev 20:1-3; (2) the recapitulation of Rev 19:11-21 in Rev 20:7-10; and (3) the motif of angelic ascent and descent in Revelation.15 Of these arguments, the strongest one by far is the similarities between Rev 19:11-21 and Rev 20:7-10. However, if the case for recapitulation fails in 20:1-6, then 20:7-10 cannot recapitulate 19:11-21. It is this failure which I intend to address. There are three arguments that have been either been insufficiently treated or have been overlooked. These are (1) the imprisonment of Satan as compared to imprisonment and binding language used elsewhere in Revelation and the NT; (2) the reign of the saints in Rev 20:4-6 as compared to the saints reign mentioned elsewhere in Revelation; (2) the significance of the accusative for extent of time of χίλια ἔτη.16

The Imprisonment of Satan in Rev 20:1-3

Preconsummationists have typically argued that the binding and imprisonment of Satan is not absolute, but only restrains him in preventing “all people” throughout the earth from being drawn to Jesus (John 12:31-32).17 For the most part, the argument for such a limited interpretation of the imprisonment imagery is that the context contains a purpose statement (ἵνα μὴ πλανήσῃ ἔτι τὰ ἔθνη ἄχρι τελεσθῇ τὰ χίλια ἔτη; so that he should not deceive the nations any longer, until the thousand years were completed). Beale argues, “Therefore, the context, and not the metaphor itself, must determine what degree of restriction is intended.”18 While this is true per se, a purpose statement can only state why an action of imprisonment is taken, not the degree of restriction intended. For example, if a warden says that he is putting a prisoner in solitary confinement, in order that he will no longer kill any more prisoners, this does not mean the prisoner is free to steal and do other such activities. The purpose statement does not determine the degree of restriction at all; it is determined by the language used for the restriction. Before we examine the details of Satan’s imprisonment, it is helpful to examine binding and imprisonment imagery elsewhere in Revelation and the NT.

There are two other examples of imprisonment and binding imagery used in Revelation, both in chapter nine.19 The first example is associated with the fifth trumpet. In this vision, an angel (ἀστέρα ἐκ τοὺς οὐρανούς) releases demonic locusts who are imprisoned in the pit of the abyss (τὸ φρέαρ τῆς ἀβύσσου). The abyss is closely associated with the realm of the dead (cf. Rom 10:17).20 However, it seems mostly related to Satan and his allies (cf. Luke 8:31; Rev 9:1; 11:7; 17:8). It is also a place that is undesirable to the demonic legions. The Legion of Luke 8:27-33 pleads with Jesus not to send them to the abyss. The demons of Rev 9:1-11 are confined there, as well as Satan in 20:1-3. If the abyss is part of the realm of the dead, then those who dwell in it do not have access to the realm of living humanity. The use of confinement language reinforces this understanding. The demonic locusts inflict harm upon unbelieving humanity upon their release.21 This suggests that the demonic locusts confined to the abyss have had no contact with the realm of the living from the point of their imprisonment to the point of their release.

The second instance of binding and imprisonment imagery in Revelation is in 9:14-15, where four angels that are bound at the Euphrates are released. The purpose of these angels is to kill a third of mankind. It could be argued that they are only restrained from killing mankind before their time, but the way the sentence is constructed suggests that this is their sole function and have been bound so that they would not execute this function before their time.22 Thus, the binding seems absolute.

There are four (possibly five) other references to the binding of Satan or imprisonment of demons. The first is in Matt 12:29 (Mark 3:27).23 The reference is in the context of the Beelzebul controversy, where Jesus is accused of casting out demons by the power of Satan. Jesus argues that if Satan was to do such a thing, his kingdom would fall and his power would be broken. He then uses the illustration of a strong man, who is bound by a stronger man, who then plunders the strong man’s house. Many preconsummationists appeal to this parable to argue that Satan’s binding in Rev 20:1-3 is not absolute.24 The binding of Satan does not restrict all of Satan’s activities, but simply demonstrates that Jesus is sovereign over him and his demonic forces. However, the binding imagery used is in a parable about a thief plundering a house. The binding is neither meant to be completely restrictive, nor permanent. In this case, the context does limit the extent of the binding, but not through the use of a purpose statement. Instead the activity of Jesus is clearly revealed, and the consequences for Satan are delineated. The parallel in Luke 11:22 demonstrates that the binding is not an image of imprisonment, but of conquest. The details in Rev 20:1-3 are quite different. It is part of a visionary sequence in which the imprisonment of Satan has an impact on the other elements of the sequence. In Rev 20:1-3 an angel imprisons Satan and he is prevented from deceiving the world. In Matt 12:29 and the parallels, Christ himself binds Satan, and Satan is helpless from keeping Christ from exercising His authority over the demons. The two passages have more differences than they do similarities.

The other two examples are also parallel passages: 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6.25 Both passages speak of fallen angels who sinned. In 2 Pet 2:4, the angels are committed to Tartaras and kept in chains26 for judgment (σειραῖς ζόφου ταρταρώσας παρέδωκεν εἰς κρίσιν τηρουμένους). Jude 6 describes the angels as kept in eternal bonds under darkness for judgment (εἰς κρίσιν μεγάλης ἡμέρας δεσμοῖς ἀϊδίοις ὑπὸ ζόφον τετήρηκεν). Both passages may be related to 1 Enoch 10:4-14; 18:11-16; 19:1; 21:7-10; 54:1-6; 88:1-3; 90:23-26; Jub. 5:6-14 in which fallen angels are described as bound and imprisoned. Some argue that the imprisoned angels refer to all rebellious angels who live in spiritual darkness and are chained to their sentence of divine judgment.27 However, this waters down the imagery and ignores the parallels in the Pseudepigrapha. The fact that Rev 9:1-21 describes two different groups of imprisoned angels also suggests that the entire demonic realm is not imprisoned. The imagery of 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6 is similar to that of Rev 9:1-3. It may be that the demons that are released at the sounding of the fifth trumpet are those that are imprisoned in 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6. Whatever the case, the imprisonment imagery appears to be absolute.28

Having examined the other references in the NT to the binding and imprisonment of Satan and his demons, Rev 20:1-3 needs to be considered. Here Satan is bound with a great chain (ἅλυσιν μεγάλη), cast into the abyss, the abyss is then shut, locked,29 and sealed (ἔβαλεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἄβυσσον καὶ ἔκλεισεν καὶ ἐσφράγισεν ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ). This is the most extensive description of imprisonment anywhere in the NT. If the other references to the imprisonment imagery refer to absolute confinement, then this passage must also. There seems to be no other reason for the extensiveness of the imagery. John went to great lengths to make clear that Satan is to be cut off from the realm of humanity for 1000 years. In all the above cases where imprisonment, and not simply conquest, are involved, the imagery should be taken in a straightforward manner and is comparable to the effects of imprisonment in the human world in AD first century. Humans who are imprisoned, especially those in solitary confinement, have little or no contact with the outside world. Satan also will have no contact with the world outside of the abyss when he is imprisoned.30

Before leaving this issue, there are a few other matters that need to be addressed that make the recapitulation view of Rev 20:1-3 unlikely. These are: (1) the supposed parallelism between 20:1-3, 9:1-11, and 12:7-11, (2) the nature of the deception in 20:3, and (3) the referent to τὰ ἔθνη in 20:3. The similarities and differences of these three passages are depicted in the following table:

Rev 9:1-11

Rev 12:7-11

Rev 20:1-3

heavenly scene (7)

heavenly scene (1)

angelic battle against Satan and his host (7-8)

presupposed angelic battle with Satan (2)

A star falls from heaven to earth (1)

Satan cast to earth (9)

Satan cast into the abyss (3)

The star is given the key to the abyss (2)

The angel holds the key of the abyss (1)

The star opens the abyss and releases the demons (2-10)

Satan is shut and sealed in the abyss for 1000 years

The king over the demons is the angel of the abyss, Abbadon/Apollyon (11)

the angel’s evil opponent called “the great dragon, the serpent of old who is called the devil and Satan, who deceives the whole world” (9)

the angel’s evil opponent called “the great dragon, the serpent of old who is called the devil and Satan, restrained from deceiving the nations any longer (2-3)

Satan’s expression of “great wrath because he knows he has only a short time” (12b)

Satan to be “released for a short time” after his imprisonment (3)

Beale argues that these three visions depict the same or synchronous events that mutually interpret one another.31 While the similarities are noted, it is the differences that stand out. In 9:1-11, a fallen angel, presumably Satan,32 opens the abyss and releases the demonic forces. In Rev 20:1-3, the key is removed from Satan and given to a good angel, who then casts Satan into the abyss and uses the key to shut him in for 1000 years. While there may be some flexibility in apocalyptic imagery, two visions cannot contradict one another. The two visions cannot be synchronous because Satan cannot be using the key to open the abyss to release demonic forces, and at the same time, he is being cast into the abyss and locked in it for 1000 years. To interpret the visions as synchronous events does tremendous violence not only to the imagery being used, but also to the plot and story of Revelation itself. Thus, it seems that Satan is enclosed in the abyss at some time after he has released the demons because Rev 20:1-3 depicts him as being deprived of the key he once possessed in the plot sequence.

The parallels between 12:7-11 and 20:1-3 are perhaps more striking, but the differences are just as significant. The first difference involves the origin and destination of the casting of Satan. In 12:7-11, Satan is cast from heaven to the earth, and a place for Satan in heaven is no longer found (τόπος εὑρέθη αὐτῶν ἔτι ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. καὶ ἐβλήθη ὁ δράκων ὁ μέγας). Heaven rejoices over this act because Satan who is the accuser of the brethren is thrown down. This suggests that Satan no longer has access to heaven.33 His activity is confined to the earth. However, in 20:1-3, Satan is cast from earth, presumably, into the abyss, which is then shut and sealed. Both the imagery of being cast from one sphere to another and the imprisonment imagery strengthens the conclusion that Satan has no access to earth, the realm of humanity, and therefore, his confinement is absolute.34

The second difference is that the expulsion of Satan from heaven has different results than the casting of Satan into the abyss. The former event results in increased persecution for believers and deception for unbelievers. Satan’s confinement in  the abyss prevents Satan’s deception of the nations, and presumably, lessens the persecution of the church.35

The third difference is the difference of times involved. In 12:12, the dragon has only a “short time” (ὀλίγον καιρὸν), which is apparently the “three and a half years” or equivalent period (11:2-3; 12:6, 14). However, in 20:3 Satan is imprisoned for 1000 years and then is to be released for a short time (ἄχρι τελεσθῇ τὰ χίλια ἔτη. μετὰ ταῦτα δεῖ λυθῆναι αὐτὸν μικρὸν χρόνον). Beale argues that there is a temporal overlap between the “short time” of 12:12 and the “short time” of 20:3.36 The latter period occurs at the very end of the former period. The 1000 years are equal to the church age and the three and a half years are equal to the church age plus the “short time” of 20:3. The 1000 years are figurative for a long era and the ultimate victory of the saints.37 However, this would mean that the “short time” of three and a half years is longer than the “long era” of 1000 years. This overly symbolic approach is to strip the units and designations of time of all temporal significance. No measurement of time has any temporal significance, and even their symbolic meaning is relative. This leads only to confusion, and suggests that God had no intention of revealing his calendar and timetable. But the frequent use of temporal units suggests otherwise. It is exegetically inconsistent to relativize the different temporal periods to such a degree. Whatever the merits are of literal versus symbolic interpretation of numbers and periods of time, the designation for a brief period of time (three and a half years) should certainly not exceed the designation for a long period of time (1000 years). 38

The nature of deception and the referent of τὰ ἔθνη in 20:3 are two issues that need to be discussed together. Beale follows R. Fowler White in arguing that τὰ ἔθνη most likely refers to the unbelieving of the nations, since that is the referent in 19:15 and 20:8.39 This is then used to argue that the visions of 19:11-21 and 20:1-3 do not logically cohere, if they are taken progressively. Since the nations have been destroyed in 19:21, it makes no sense to speak of protecting them from deception in 20:1-3. However, this looks at the situation a bit too ingressively. True, the nations are destroyed in 19:21, but that does not mean that they cannot be later reconstituted under the Messianic King (Isa 2:4; 11:10-16; Zech 14:16-21). There will be at least believing survivors among the nations; they and their descendants will make up the reconstituted nations.40 The protection from the nations from Satan’s deception is viewed as a whole, not at just the beginning of the 1000-year period. With this in view, it is best to see τὰ ἔθνη as entities in and of themselves, and not in terms of unbelievers versus believers. Indeed, it was the unbelievers that were victims of Satan’s  deception in 16:1-16 and 19:20, and will be in 20:7-10, but this has an effect on the nations as a whole. It is this effect that the nations are protected from during the Millennium.

As to the deception itself, it is a bit unclear how the preconsummationists exactly view it. Beale refers to this deception several times, but never in quite the same way. Note the following statements.

It is suggested that the “most reasonable antecedent for ἔτι… would be the deceptive action of Satan through or in conjunction with the deceptive ministry of the beast and false prophet (19:20).” This is possible, but, even if it is correct, the deceptive activity of the devil through his agents could refer to an earlier period of deception by the beast and false prophet before the end. This earlier phase of deception throughout the church age is narrated in ch. 13. That 20:3 refers, in fact, to an earlier or at least broader period of deception than merely the end of history is indicated by the fact that the title for Satan in 20:2 is a verbatim quotation from 12:9, where the name “the ancient serpent…the devil and Satan” is directly followed by “the one deceiving the whole inhabited earth.” The reference to deception in 12:9 refers to Satan’s deception in the OT era continuing on into the NT era…41

That Satan is “cast out” (ἐκβάλλω) by Christ’s death does not restrict Satan in every way. Rather, it keeps him from preventing “all people” throughout the earth being drawn to Jesus (John 12:31-32).42

Throughout the time between Christ’s first and second comings, Satan will not be able to deceive any of “the full number” (6:11) of those purchased by Christ because they have been “sealed” (see on 7:1-8). When “the full number” has been gathered in, then the devil will be permitted to deceive the majority living at the end of history, causing them not only to be blinded by the truth of Christ but also to seek to annihilate Christ’s followers.43

During the age preceding Christ’s final coming not all of Satan’s deceiving activities are curtailed by the binding of vv 2-3 but only his deception of the nations, which will result in the nations coming together to attempt to destroy the entire community of faith on earth. Hence, during the age when Christ “builds his church…the gates of hell will not prevail over” the church’s growth because “the keys of the kingdom” have been given to the church to overcome Satan’s deception against it (Matt 16:18-19). But at the end of the age, persecution by deceived multitudes will break out against the church, such that it would vanish were it not for God’s intervention on its behalf (so also Mark 13:19-22; Matt. 24:21-24).44

Included also in the restraint on the devil’s deceiving activity is that he is not able to delude and mount hostile attack against the covenant community during the age after Christ’s resurrection in the way that he formerly did45

Rev. 12:2-5 telescopes this process of Satanic oppression against the covenant community climaxing with Christ’s death and resurrection. All who subsequently identify with Jesus as true Israel begin to fulfill the commission to be a light to the nations, so that Satan’s veil of deception over the nations is lifted (cf. Isa. 49:6; Luke 2:32; Acts 13:47; 26:18, 23). This means that the devil will not be able to stop the spread of the preaching of the gospel or its expanding reception (= the church) during most of the age preceding Christ’s return.46

The nature of the binding in 20:3 is contextually determined and defined by 20:7-9 as a temporary divine power keeping Satan from mounting a worldwide force to destroy God’s community of saints on earth.47

Apparently, Beale sees two sides to the deception of the nations. Satan is not able to deceive the nations in the sense that he cannot stop the spread and reception of the gospel, and he cannot deceive a worldwide force into attempting to destroy God’s community of saints. It also appears that he views the latter as a result of the former. This not necessarily a problem in and of itself, but it does pose a problem with his view of τὰ ἔθνη. Beale articulates his view of the deception in such a way that the emphasis is on preventing Satan in deceiving the elect. However, he sees τὰ ἔθνη as referring to the unbelieving of the nations, rather than the elect. This problem is removed if he adopts the view of τὰ ἔθνη that I have suggested above, but in so doing he must abandon the only substantial objection against the progressive interpretation.

However, there is a more serious problem than this. Beale admits that ἔτι refers back to Satan’s previous deceptive activities. However, he sees the imprisonment imagery as merely preventing him from deceiving the nations as he once did, i.e., in the OT era. There are several problems with this. First, he seems to interpret the deception in terms of its degree of success and failure, not in terms of its attempt. While admitting that Satan will ultimately fail in his objective of destroying the covenant community, he, nevertheless views Satan continuously attempting such a goal, and only at the end does he succeed in mounting a worldwide lethal attack. However, the imprisonment imagery argues more for the idea that Satan will be prevented from even making the attempt at deceiving the nations, while the purpose clause makes it clear that he will not have any success, not simply limited success.

Second, Beale’s interpretation of Rev 12:7–13:18 views deception occurring throughout the church age. However, this is the very deception from which he is prevented from doing. While he may be correct that the deception ultimately in mind is the worldwide deception reflected in 19:20 (cf. 20:8), Rev 13:14 also reflects a worldwide deception and refers to the worship of the beast and his image. Revelation makes no distinction between the deception in 13:14 and 19:20.

Third, the deception of the nations seems to be a bit broader than what Beale has suggested. It does not refer simply to a worldwide lethal attack against the covenant community. It also includes the worship of the beast and rebellion against Christ as Rev 13:14-18 and 19:19-20 makes clear. This worldwide worship of the beast takes place during the church age, according to Beale and other preconsummationists. Again, it is this very deception that 20:3 states will not occur.

Finally, this view of deception is historically insensitive. There has been widespread deception and persecution towards the church throughout the church age. Persecution of the church was initiated under the reigns of Nero, Domitian and Diocletian, the last, at least, was empire wide. The bastions of Christianity of Asia Minor and North Africa in the first six centuries have all been under Muslim control for the past several centuries.48 Three quarters of the earth’s population are still Islamic, Buddhist, or Hindu. Communism in the 20th century has threatened to stamp out Christianity.49 All of this suggests that Satan is very much at the business of “deceiving the nations” and is having more success than he is failure.50

To summarize, the recapitulation/preconsummationist view of Rev 20:1-3 fails on the following points: (1) Its nonabsolute confinement interpretation is inconsistent both with the imagery and confinement imagery used here and elsewhere in Revelation and the NT. (2) Identifying Rev 9:1-11, 12:7-11, and 20:1-3 as the same or synchronous events either makes the visions contradictory or introduces inconsistent elements into the symbolism. (3) The view of τὰ ἔθνη is inconsistent with their interpretation of the deception. (4) The interpretation of the deception is inconsistent when Rev 13:14 and 19:20 are compared. (5) Finally, it is historically insensitive.

The Reign of the Saints in Rev 20:4-6

The recapitulation view argues that the reign of the saints in 20:4-6 refers to the reign of martyred saints in heaven throughout the church age.51 The major problem with this view is that it is inconsistent with the references to the saints’ reign elsewhere in Revelation. The emphasis in Revelation is a future reign on the earth that is part of the reward which the saints receive at Christ’s coming. While Revelation does seem to express “conditional comings” (2:5, 16), these appear to refer to judgments within the church, not to rewards for the overcomers.52 The rewards for the saints are explicitly associated with the Second Coming in 11:18 and 22:12. Thus, the reward of the reign of the saints should also have reference to Christ’s Second Coming.53 The reward of ruling the nations in 2:25-29 better fits with the eschatological reign since Ps 2:8-9 is also alluded to in Rev 19:15. Christ’s coming in 3:11 is mentioned in reference to the reward of 3:12, which is associated with the New Jerusalem. Revelation 3:21 refers to sitting with Christ on His throne as a reward for maintaining a faithful witness. This reward, in the absence of any contrary evidence, would primarily refer to the rule granted to the overcomer at the Second Coming.

Revelation 5:10 makes it clear  that the reign of the saints is on the earth. If one adopts the reading of the future indicative βασιλεύσουσιν, then that reign is also future and would occur only after the Second Coming.54 This reference and Rev 20:6 also draw two significant concepts together: the priestly service and reigning with Christ.55 Revelation 20:6 may be John’s focal point for fulfilling the reign-on-earth promise of 5:10.56 Revelation 22:5 also refers to a future eternal reign on the new earth. While this is not synonymous with the reign of the saints in Rev 20:4-6, there may be temporal overlap. The reign of the saints in the Millennium could be included in the eternal reign.57 Even if the two references should be distinguished, the eternal reign still emphasizes a future reign on the earth. Therefore, due to the absence of any explicit reference of heaven in 20:4-6, and the emphasis of a future reign on earth as a reward presented at Christ’s Second Coming elsewhere in Revelation, the reigning of the saints should also be understood as referring to a postconsummationist reign on the earth with Christ.

The Significance of the Accusative for Extent of Time

Each reference to the 1000 years in Rev 20:1-6 is in the accusative case and is used to denote extent of time. Wallace explains the difference between the genitive, dative, and accusative of time:

One way to remember the distinctions between the cases used for time is to remember the root idea of each case. However, under the five-case system this may prove a bit confusing. Therefore, for the cases used for time, it may be helpful to think in terms of the eight-case system. The root idea of the genitive is kind. Thus, the genitive of time expresses the kind of time or time within which. The root idea of the locative (not dat.) is position, expressing point in time. The root idea for the accusative is extent. Thus the accusative of time expresses the extent of time.58

Thus, Satan is imprisoned for the extent of the entire 1000-year period, and for this same time period the saints reign with Christ. The significance of the accusative in 20:4-6 is that all the saints reign for this period. The entire group begins the reign together and continues the reign for the entire period. In the preconsummationist/recapitulation view, the martyred saints enter into their reign with Christ upon their death sometime after the 1000-year period has begun. In effect, the entrance of the martyred saints into their reign is distributed throughout the Millennial period, some not entering into it until the period is almost over. However, if this understanding were correct, the genitive of time would be more suitable. All other occurrences of groups or plural subjects with the accusative of extent of time in the NT have the entire group beginning and ending the period of time together.59 This, then, would require the Millennium to begin after the church period following the return of Christ, since this is the first time the martyred saints could begin a reign as an entire group, including every individual. The significance of this point is often overlooked and has not been discussed in the literature.

Conclusion

The progressive/postconsummationist view of Rev 20:1-6 should be preferred over the recapitulation/ preconsummationist view for the following reasons: (1) the absolute sense of the imprisonment imagery in 20:1-3, (2) the future and earthly orientation of the saints reign throughout the Apocalypse, including this passage, (3) the use and significance of the accusative for extent of time for χίλια ἔτη in reference to the reign of the saints in 20:4-6. There are many other issues that could be discussed and that have been in the literature; however, these three arguments have not been given the attention they deserve, and they make a strong case for the progressive/postconsummationist/premillennial view of Rev 20:1-6.


1 A preconsummationist view sees the events of Rev 20:1-6 as occurring before the physical return of Christ. This would apply to those who hold both amillennial and postmillennial views of Rev 20:1-10, although the postmillennial view holds to chronological progression between Rev 19:11-21 and 20:1-6 rather than Rev 20:1-6 going back to the beginning of the church age (recapitulation). However, postmillennialists and amillennialists interpret Rev 20:1-10 in very much the same way; their differences lie in the interpretation of Rev 19:11-21.

2 G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation, NIGTC, ed. I. Howard Marshall and Donald Hagner (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 144-51, 972-1031; Don Garlington, “Reigning with Christ: Revelation 20:1-6 in It's Salvation-Historical Setting,” BRT 4 (Spring 1994): 4-37; Vern S. Poythress, “Genre and Hermeneutics in Rev 20:1-6,” JETS 36 (March 1993): 41-54; R. Fowler White, “Reexamining the Evidence for Recapitulation in Rev 20:1-10,” WTJ 51 (Fall 1989): 319-44; idem. “Making Sense of Rev 20:1-10? Harold Hoehner Versus Recapitulation,” JETS 37 (December 1994): 539-51; idem. “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Rev 20:1-3: A Preconsummationist Perspective,” JETS 42 (March 1999): 53-66.

3 Steve Gregg, ed., Revelation: Four Views: A Parallel Commentary (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1997), 457.

4 A postconsummationist view would see the events of Rev 20:1-6 following the events of Rev 19:11-21. Thus, it denotes chronological progression between the two passages, and is essentially premillennial.

5 Ibid.

6 Herman A. Hoyt, “Dispensational Premillennialism,” in The Meaning of the Millennium: Four Views, ed. Robert G. Clouse (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1977), 66-68.

7 David J. MacLeod, “The Third “Last Thing": The Binding of Satan (Rev. 20:1-3),” BSac 156, no. 624 (October 1999): 469-86; Robert L. Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” in Four Views on the Book of Revelation, ed. C. Marvin Pate, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998), 204; Revelation 8-22, WEC (Chicago: Moody Press, 1995), 567-85.

8 MacLeod, “The Third “Last Thing,"“ 479-82; Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” 205; Revelation 8-22, 405.

9 Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” 205.

10 Jack S. Deere, “Premillennialism in Revelation 20:4-6,” BSac 135, no. 537 (January 1978): 65-69; George Eldon Ladd, “Historic Premillenialism,” in The Meaning of the Millennium: Four Views, ed. Robert G. Clouse (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1977), 17-46; Thomas, “A Classical Dispensationalist View of Revelation,” 206; Revelation 8-22, 416-17.

11 Sam Hamstra Jr., “An Idealist View of Revelation,” in Four views on the Book of Revelation, ed. C. Marvin Pate, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998), 121.

12 Robert B. Strimple, “Amillennialism,” in Three Views on the Millennium and Beyond, ed. Darrell L. Bock, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 100-01; “An Amillennial Response to Craig A. Blaising,” in Three Views on the Millennium and Beyond, ed. Darrell L. Bock, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 264.

13 Daniel B. Wallace, Greek Grammar Beyond the Basics: An Exegetical Syntax of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996), 10-11.

14 This is especially true of the 1290 days and 1335 days of Dan 12:11-12 since Beale, The Book of Revelation, 993 (and other preconsummationists) argues that the 1260 days refers to the church age which now includes about two millennia.

15 R. Fowler White, “Reexamining the Evidence,” 219-44; “Making Sense of Rev 20:1-10?” 539-51.

16 These arguments do not address the previously cited arguments per se, although they do address White's first argument. For a critique of White's third argument see Craig A. Blaising, “Premillennialism,” in Three Views on the Millennium and Beyond, ed. Darrell L. Bock, Counterpoints (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 215-217, fn. 86.

17 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 985-96; Hamstra, “Idealist,” 120; Strimple, “Amillennialism,” 121-24; R. Fowler White, “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Rev 20:1-3,” 62-65.

18 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 985.

19 The reference to the devil casting the saints into prison for ten days in Rev 2:10 is not being considered because it is a literal referent and does not involve the imprisonment of Satan or his minions. However, it is interesting to see that while the saints are confined for ten days, their “warden” will himself be imprisoned for 1000 years. It is possible that the passages have some kind of relationship. What was true of the saints’ imprisonment may even be more true of Satan.

20 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 984 sees the abyss as a synonym for “death and Hades.” However, it seems that they are distinct. Only the demonic are related to the abyss in Revelation. Death and Hades seem mostly related to humanity. In Rev 6:8 death and Hades are personalized and represent the judgment of death upon humanity, death is the experience and Hades is the destination. Death and Hades are again used figuratively in 20:13-14 for those who dwell in Hades and have experienced death as judgment. In the NT, Hades always appears to be the place of the unbelieving dead (Matt. 11:23; 16:18; 10:15; Luke 16:23; 2:27; Acts 2:31; Rev. 1:18; Rev. 6:8; 20:13, 14), and is a realm from which they cannot escape. Beale, 987, also argues that “the abyss is one of the various metaphors representing the spiritual sphere in which the devil and his accomplices operate…” and this sphere “represents a spiritual dimension existing alongside of and in the midst of the earthly…” However, this does violence to the imprisonment imagery of  both 9:1-11 and 20:1-3. In every reference to the abyss, the being or beings which are contained in it must emerge from it in order to interact with the human realm. This suggests that the sphere of the abyss, like the realm of the dead, is separate from the realm of living humanity, and those who dwell in the abyss have no contact with those outside that sphere. This may explain why the demons of Luke 8:31 pleaded with Jesus not to send them to the abyss. It is a place of judgment with no contact with the sphere of humanity. Thus, it is not “overly literalistic” to see the abyss as separate from the earth (Ibid.).

21 Under preconsummationist exegesis, this would refer primarily to spiritual harm (Beale, The Book of Revelation, 496; Gregg, Revelation: Four Views, 177). However, the demonic forces have always had this authority. This leads to the conclusion that this group of demons have not had this authority, and thus have not had contact with the realm of living humanity.

22 The inclusion of the adjectival participial clause, οἱ ἡτοιμασμένοι εἰς τὴν ὥραν και; ἡμέραν καὶ μῆνα καὶ ἐνιαυτόν, suggests that the angels were prepared solely for this purpose at this time. If the four angels are identified with the four winds of 7:1 (see Beale, The Book of Revelation, 507-08) this understanding would be reinforced.

23 The parallel in Luke 11:22 uses conquest imagery, rather an binding imagery. The stronger man overcomes the strong man, takes away his armor, and plunders his house.

24 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 985; Hamstra, “Idealist,” 120; Strimple, “Amillennialism,” 122.

25 First Peter 3:19 makes mention of “spirits in prison” (τοῖς ἐν φυλακῇ πνεύμασιν) to whom Christ preached between his death and resurrection or resurrection and ascension. It is uncertain whether these spirits refer to fallen angels or the spirits of wicked men during the time of Noah. If it refers to fallen angels, then this reference would be parallel to 2 Pet 2:4 and Jude 6. Either way, the spirits appear to be confined absolutely.

26 Or pits if σιροῖς is read. א (A B C 81: σει-) pc h vgms; Aug Cass read σιροῖς. ¸72 P Ψ 33 1739 ÷ vg sy read σειραῖς. Either way, the imprisonment imagery is preserved.

27 Simon J. Kistemaker, Peter and Jude, NTC (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1978), 378-79.

28 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 989 appears to admit this, however, he sees the imprisoned angels as active on earth subsequent to their imprisonment (990). It is uncertain whether he views the entire realm to be involved or not. Nevertheless, Rev 9:1-17 depicts two different groups of imprisoned demons, so the entire demonic realm is probably not in view. Beale does see absolute confinement involved in Tob 8:3; 1 Enoch 18:11–19:3; 88:1-3; Jub. 5:6-14. However, he disputes absolute confinement in T. Levi 18:12 and Jub. 48:15-17. However, the binding imagery in the former reference does not include imprisonment, so it is probably an image of conquest and authority. In Jub. 48:15-17 Beale again makes the mistake of assuming a purpose clause limits the degree of confinement. Mastema is bound and imprisoned so that he might not accuse the children of Israel. But an absolute confinement would also accomplish that imprisonment. Beale may be correct that Gos. Nic (=Act Pil.) 22:2 refers to non-absolute confinement since the time is specifically designated as between the death of Christ and His Second Coming. This passage may reflect an early preconsummationist understanding of Rev 20:1-3, if the author was familiar with Revelation. More likely it is an imaginative elaboration on Matt 12:29 (cf. Gos. Nic. 20:2 and the dialogue between Satan and Hades). Most commentators agree that ultimately the imprisonment imagery of Rev 20:1-3 is derived from Isa 24:21-22 where the Lord will confine the hosts of heaven and the kings of the earth like prisoners in a dungeon until the day of their final judgment comes. This also suggests absolute confinement since prisoners in a dungeon have no contact with the outside world.

White, “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Rev 20:1-3,” 62-63 argues that the dragon's fate is analogous to but not identical to the fate of Satan in history. He argues that John in Revelation adopts the victory-house building paradigm, which includes God's conquest of the dragon, as hermeneutical of the historical events linked with Christ's death/exaltation. He also argues that in other texts where anti-creative/anti-redemptive animal imagery is applied to an entity in history, the monster's fate in the epic idiom is only analogous, and not identical to its fate in history. However, this would then be problematic with the fate of the beast and false prophet in Rev 19:20, and Satan in 20:10, who all are consigned to the lake of fire. Is this depiction only analogous to their fate in history? What would be the analogy to the lake of fire? Would this also be true of the dead in Rev 20:15? On the other hand, if the depiction of the ultimate destiny of the beast, false prophet, Satan, and the dead do correspond to their fate in history, on what basis would one make an exception in this case, but not in the case of Satan's imprisonment in 20:1-3? In light of this problem, it seems best to see the epic imagery as not necessarily analogous in 19:11–20:15, but, indeed, corresponding to their respective fates in history.

29 The idea of “locked” is implied in ἔκλεισεν since the related word κλεῖν  refers to the key.

30 Although not mentioned explicitly, it is implied that those under Satan are also imprisoned. This is also the assumption in Rev 20:10 where the devil is thrown into the lake of fire. Although no mention is made about the fate of Satan's minions, it is unlikely that they would be excluded from their master's judgment. Also, the images of the abyss and binding in the Jewish writings and the NT do refer to demons being imprisoned, and this suggests that this would be the case as well in Rev 20:1-3. Beale, The Book of Revelation, 990 argues that the concept of the “abyss” in Revelation is non-absolute. He notes that in 6:8 “Hades” exercises its influence over the people of the earth. However, he mistakenly assumes that the realm of the dead (Hades) and the Satanic realm are the same. While Satan has the power of death, he does not have power over the dead. He cannot raise the dead, nor release the dead from Hades. In fact, it is only when the key is given him that he can release the demons in Rev 9:1-11 or, presumably, the beast in 11:7. In Rev 6:8, Death and Hades are personalized for the judgment of death that is executed on the earth. While Satan and his minions are certainly involved in this judgment, the inhabitants of Hades are not coming forth to execute it. The shutting up of the pit is metaphorical for an absolute removal of influence, rather than a limited curtailment of influence, but this does not rule out the probability that it is a sphere of the spiritual world which prevents access to the physical world.

31 Ibid., 986, 992.

32 Ibid., 492, 987.

33 The amillennial/recapitulation interpretation of Rev 12:9-11 raises the question of whether or not Satan's accusing activities have ended. If Satan's casting from heaven is the result of Christ's death, resurrection, and ascension, then this text would mean that Satan is no longer permitted to accuse the brethren during the church age. However, there are several texts that suggest that Satan continues his accusing activities during the present age. Romans 8:33-34, Heb 7:24-25 and 1 John 2:1-2 refer to Christ as an intercessor and advocate before the Father. The courtroom imagery suggests that there is an accuser, even though his accusations are overruled.

34 William J. Webb, “Revelation 20: Exegetical Considerations,” BRT 4, no. 2 (Fall 1994): 24 makes the same argument, although he does not discuss the significance of the casting imagery. Beale, The Book of Revelation, 994 simply dismisses this argument by asserting that the different portrayals mutually interpret one another. Part of this is due to his misconception that the abyss is a sphere of demonic activity, rather than captivity.

35 Webb, “ Revelation 20,” 21, 24, fn. 51. Beale, The Book of Revelation, 995 replies to this point by arguing that the increase in persecution of the church does not mean an increase in deception. However, Satan is called “the deceiver of the whole earth” ( πλανῶν τὴν οἰκουμένην ὅλην) in 12:9 and is behind the deceptive activities of the beast and false prophet in 13:14 (πλανᾷ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς).

36 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 993.

37 Ibid., 995, 1018. Beale confesses that the meaning of “long era” is not the primary point, but he seems to think that it is part of the meaning. But other amillennialists do see this as the meaning. See Gregg, Revelation: Four Views, 466, 468.

38 It is very likely that the different designations in Rev 11:2-3, 12:6, 14 should be taken literally since they all equal the same length of time. Also, even if the number is symbolic, it should at least be some approximation to the length of time designated. However, to be fair, it is possible that under the idealist approach this kind of contradiction could make some logical sense, but that sense is not at all obvious, and it requires much explanation. It also has the additional problem of finding other examples that are not equally disputable. Thus, this involves the larger problem of hermeneutical control.

39 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 981; White, “Reexamining the Evidence for Recapitulation,” 321; “Making Sense,” 540-41.

40 To argue that the redeemed from among the nations will be placed within the Divine Warrior’s kingdom-protectorate  (White, “Reexamining the Evidence for Recapitulation,” 324) is of little value since the whole world will constitute Messiah's kingdom-protectorate. The nations would be subgroups within this protectorate.

41 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 983.

42 Ibid., 985.

43 Ibid., 986-87.

44 Ibid., 987.

45 Ibid., 988.

46 Ibid.

47 Ibid., 990. Incredibly, later he argues that an increase in persecution in 12:11-17 does not lead to the conclusion that there is an increase in deception (995).

48 This includes all of the churches addressed in Revelation.

49 See David J. MacLeod, “The Third “Last Thing": The Binding of Satan (Rev. 20:1-3),” BSac 156, no. 624 (October 1999):480-81.

50 White, “On the Hermeneutics and Interpretation of Revelation 20:1-3,” 65 argues that Satan's deception of the nations refers strictly to the gathering of nations worldwide “for the age-ending battle against the Divine Warrior.” However, this still has the problem of the ἔτι of 20:3 which would refer back both chronologically and literarily to a previous world-wide battle against Christ. This is the battle depicted in 19:11-21. Also, the deception of the nations mentioned in 19:20 is associated with the beast and the false prophet, thus, there seems to be little basis for seeing a distinction between the deception of the dragon and his agents.

51 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 991-1007; Gregg, Revelation: Four Views, 464, 466, 468, 470, 472; Hamstra, “ Idealist,” 84-85; Strimple, “Amillennialism,” 125-27.

52 Beale, The Book of Revelation, 197-99 argues that the “coming” in 1:7 and elsewhere in Revelation is a process occurring throughout history, and that the process is concluded by the “second coming.” These “comings” in blessing and judgment throughout history are a manifestation of Christ's eschatological authority. Beale seems to emphasize the inaugurated eschatology aspects of Christ's coming too much. His argument that the allusion to Dan 7:13 in Christ's coming with the clouds includes the whole course of church history is a bit weak. His denial of a reference to the Second Coming in Mark 13:26 and 14:62 is certainly uncalled for, since Jesus may have both AD 70 and his Second Coming in view. He also overlooks that Dan 7:13 is also alluded to in 1 Thess 4:16-17, which is certainly a reference to Christ's coming for His saints (and the Second Coming according to amillennialists). Finally, it is likely that 22:12 forms an inclusio with 1:7. Thus, the emphasis on the “coming” of Christ is on the Second Coming, and not on the process of His conditional comings. Ironically, the pretribulation rapture view would fit very well into Beale's conception of the coming of Christ.

53 Contra Beale, The Book of Revelation, 198. He sees the emphasis as on the conditional comings, and allusion to the Second Coming as only possible.

54 The present indicative βασιλεύουσιν is read by A 046 1006 1611 1841 2329 ÷K. The future indicative βασιλεύσουσιν is read by א 025 1854 2050 2053 2344 2351 ÷A lat co; Hipp Cyp. While βασιλεύουσιν is the harder reading, A has mistakenly substituted the present indicative for the future in 20:6. Both external and internal evidence are pretty evenly balanced, but context would slightly prefer the future. Even if the present indicative is read, it may have a proleptic sense. See R. H. Charles, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John, vol 1, ICC, ed. S. R. Driver, A. Plummer, & C. A. Briggs (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1920), 148. See also Beale, The Book of Revelation, 562-64 for arguments for the present indicative and an inaugural reign interpretation. While an inaugural reign may be included, it is doubtful it is the emphasis.

55 Cf. Rev 1:6.

56 Webb, “Revelation 20,” 33-34.

57 Contra Beale, The Book of Revelation, 1116.

58 Wallace, Exegetical Syntax, 202-03. Cf. BDF §161 (2); A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research, 4th ed. (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1934), 469-71.

59 Cf. Matt 20:6; 28:20; John 2:12; 11:6; Acts 21:7; Rev 2:10; 9:10.

Related Topics: Dispensational / Covenantal Theology, Eschatology (Things to Come), Grammar

A Note on τηρήσω ἐκ in Revelation 3:10

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The text of Rev 3:10 reads: ὅτι ἐτήρησας τὸν λόγον τῆς ὑπομονῆς μου, κἀγώ σε τηρήσω ἐκ τῆς ὥρας τοῦ πειρασμοῦ τῆς μελλούσης ἔρχεσθαι ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ὅλης πειράσαι τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆ" (“Because you have kept the word of my perseverance, I also shall keep you from the hour of testing which is about to come upon the whole inhabited world to test those who dwell upon the earth”).  “Probably the most debated verse in the whole discussion about the time of the Church’s rapture is Revelation 3:10,” writes Robert Gundry in The Church and the Tribulation (p. 54). He, as well as many other posttribulationists, agrees that the verse is speaking about the promise of the rapture given to true believers (pp. 54-61; note also Rev 3:13 which applies this specific promise to the Philadelphian Christians to the “churches”).

The key issue in the debate between pretribulationists and posttribulationists is the temporal force of τηρήσω ἐκ (“I will keep [you] out of”).  Gundry believes that this refers to a posttribulational emergence of the saints: “As it is, ἐκ lays all the emphasis on emergence, in this verse on the final, victorious outcome of the keeping-guarding” (ibid., p. 57).  He bases his argument of a posttribulational rapture here squarely on grammar, stating, among other reasons: (1) “Essentially, ἐκ, a preposition of motion concerning thought or physical direction, means out from within” (ibid., p. 55); and (2) “the preposition ἐκ appears in John’s writings approximately 336 times, far more often than in the writings of any other NT author. There is not a single instance where the primary thought of emergence, or origin, cannot fit, indeed, does not best fit the thought of the context [italics mine]” (ibid., p. 57).

Such argumentation, however, though impressive at first glance, is in reality both too simplistic and a case of grammatical “tunnel vision.”

First, it is too simplistic in that Gundry argues that in John’s writings the primary thought of emergence or origin best fits every instance of ἐκ.  John Beverage, in his master’s thesis (“The Preposition ᾿Εκ in Johannine Literature,” Th.M. thesis, Dallas Seminary, 1953) has demonstrated that such is not the case.  (Although it will certainly be granted that ἐκ normally has the force of origin or emergence, to suggest that this is the foremost idea in every Johannine instance is an overstatement.  Note, for example, John 9:24; Rev 2:10; 3:9. Beverage breaks down the Johannine usage of ἐκ as follows: [1] to denote place or position, [2] to denote separation, [3] to denote origin, [4] to denote material or mass from which something is made or derived, [5] to denote cause, occasion, or instrument, [6] to denote the partitive use, and [7] to denote time.)  (Note: It should be pointed out, however, that although Gundry is too simplistic in this first argument, even if he were entirely correct, the argument is quite beside the point and, in fact, irrelevant to the interpretation of Rev 3:10, as a critique of Gundry’s second argument will seek to demonstrate.) 

Second, it is a case of semantic myopia in that by focusing only on the usage of ἐκ, Gundry has overlooked the combined force of the whole construction.  He claims that ἐκ is essentially “a preposition of motion” (p. 55).  Although this is generally true, if ἐκ is related to a noun or is governed by a non-motion verb (such as τηρέω), it will not necessarily imply motion. (By way of analogy, this can be seen with εἰς—the directional opposite of ἐκ. εἰς generally has the meaning of movement into from without. However, when it is used with a static verb, such as τηρέω, κάθημαι, εἰμι, etc., the idea of motion is negated by the static nature of the verb [cf. for example, τηρέω εἰς in Acts 25:4; κάθημαι εἰς in Mark 13:3; and εἰμι εἰς in John 1:18].)1  The fact, then, that τηρέω, rather than a motion verb such as σῴζω, is used with ἐκ in Rev 3:10 argues against Gundry’s position on this text.2 By way of illustration, our idiom “Keep out of the reach of children” has exactly the same force to it as does the Greek τηρέω ἐκ.  Yet, when such instructions are printed on a bottle of medicine, a parent recognizes that he or she is not to let the medicine get into the reach of children.  That is, the parent is to keep it in a position that is out of their reach.  If the medicine bottle had said, “Take out of the reach of children” the implication would be entirely different (viz., it would presume that the bottle was already within the reach of children).

In summary, the posttribulational position in Rev 3:10, as articulated by Gundry, seems unlikely because (1) it assumes a simplistic (and etymological) force for the preposition ἐκ, and (2) it does not take into account the force of the total construction of verb + preposition. In order for John to have taught a posttribulational rapture in this verse, he would have had to change one of two elements: (1) either the verb (from a static verb to a verb of motion such σῴζω or λαμβάνω) or, (2) the preposition (from ἐκ to διά [+ the genitive] or ἐν).3

Conclusion

Does this therefore demonstrate a pretribulational rapture beyond any doubt? Of course not. For one thing, John 17:15 (the only precise grammatico-lexical parallel to Rev 3:10) needs to be wrestled with (something that has been done in the literature well enough). And the fact that there are no other exact parallels in biblical Greek makes for less than an iron-clad argument. For another, whether ‘the hour of tribulation’ refers to the actual time of the tribulation (though probable) needs to be established beyond all doubt. Further, we have not really addressed much contextually (including the parallel with ‘because you have kept the word’). Nevertheless, the basic point of this brief essay is to show that the overly facile attempt at solving this conundrum on the basis of grammar is inadequate. In the least, the grammatical argument is not on the side of posttribulationism, in spite of Gundry’s certitude.


1Cf. also Wallace, Exegetical Syntax, “Introduction to Prepositions: Motion, State, Prepositions, and Verbs” wherein it is noted that “Stative verbs override the transitive force of prepositions. Almost always, when a stative verb is used with a transitive preposition, the preposition’s natural force is neutralized; all that remains is a stative idea.”

2Even if a verb of motion had been used, one could not positively say that ἐκ meant emergence out from within. Second Corinthians 1:10, for example, has ῥύομαι ἐκ, referring to God’s deliverance of Paul from death!

3To his credit, Gundry wrestles with the data. This cannot be said of all. For example, R. C. H. Trench, in his masterful though dated Commentary on the Epistles to the Seven Churches (sixth edition, 1897; reprint, Klock & Klock, 1978) commits an egregious grammatical blunder when he says that the promise is “to be kept in temptation, not to be exempted from temptation (τηρεῖν ἐκ not being here = τηρεῖν ἀπό...)” (p. 190). This comment is followed by the citation of three or four verses that only support the theological point Trench makes, not the grammatical. The ironic thing to notice here is that Trench denies that τηρεῖν ἐκ is the equivalent of τηρεῖν ἀπό, presumably because of syntactical refinements in the Koine (though offering no basis for this assertion), while tacitly embracing the notion that τηρεῖν ἐκ = τηρεῖν ἐν, when in fact, these two prepositions are semantic opposites!

Related Topics: Dispensational / Covenantal Theology

Do Christians Have Peace with God? A Brief Examination of the Textual Problem in Romans 5:1

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“Therefore, since we have been declared righteous by faith, we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ…” —NET Bible

Like virtually all verses, Romans 5:1 can be variously translated. But apart from some minor tweaking—for example, “Since we have been justified” vs. “Having been justified” and the like—there is one substantive variation in how this verse has been translation. The main verb “we have” involves a textual variant, “let us have.” At issue is not two different translations of the same word, but two different words—or, rather, two different forms of the same Greek word. The difference in spelling is one letter (either an omicron or an omega—that is, either a short ‘o’ [o] or a long ‘o’ [ω]), but the difference in pronunciation, as far as we can tell, was nil in the first century AD.1 This is not to say the difference in meaning was nil! Spelled with an omicron, the verb is in the indicative mood—“we have peace”; spelled with the omega, the verb is in the subjunctive mood—“let us have peace.”

One can easily see how such a textual problem could come into existence. A scribe is listening while someone else is reading the manuscript to him; since the two words would be pronounced virtually identically, he has to make a choice. The question is: Which one is the original reading? And how can we know?

This particular problem requires a bit of detective work, along with some speculative historical reconstruction (which, however, we will reserve for the end of the discussion). Although some might get nervous about such an endeavor because its results are less than certain, it is important to keep in mind that to refrain from historical reconstruction is to leave a matter as something of a mystery. Often, the options left to us, when trying to reconstruct history, are as follows: (a) X is what we think happened, (b) Y is what we think happened; or (c) we don’t want to think. Certainly, there are times when it is neither prudent nor helpful to attempt a historical reconstruction. But in the case of solving textual problems, such an attempt often involves only a small pool of viable options. And though conclusions from such will by their nature be less than certain, this does not make them certainly untrue.

With this in mind, we now approach the problem. (Some of our discussion will be rather technical, but for those who have some training in Greek and textual criticism, the technical information should be valuable.) A number of important witnesses have the subjunctive ἔχωμεν (“let us have”) for ἔχομεν (“we have”) in v. 1. Included in the subjunctive’s support are א* A B* C D K L 33 1739* lat bo and many other witnesses. But the indicative is not without its supporters: א1 B2 F G P Ψ 0220vid 1241 1506 1739c 1881 2464 and many other witnesses. If the problem were to be solved on an external basis only, the subjunctive would be given the palm. Clearly, the “A” rating (for the indicative!) in the UBS4 is overly generous.

However, the indicative is probably correct. First, the earliest witness to Rom 5:1 has the indicative (0220). Although given a probable vote in this direction (“vid”) by the editors of the standard critical texts, this is due to the fact that the fragment is shorn right in the middle of the letter in question. An examination of the manuscript, with attention to how the scribe shaped his omicrons and omegas, indicates that the letter could only be an omicron. Second, the first set of correctors is usually of equal importance with the original hand. This is because the first corrector would have usually been the same scribe or someone else in the scriptorium, looking over the MS before it was sold. He would examine it against its exemplar and make corrections, often if not usually in the direction of that exemplar. This is not always the case, of course. But in light of the fact that the earliest witness to this textual problem had the omicron and that אis in dispute suggests that in this case we should probably listen to the voice of the corrector. Hence, א1 should be given equal value with א*. Third, there is a good cross-section of witnesses for the indicative: Alexandrian (in 0220, א1 1241 1506 1881 et alii), Western (in F G), and Byzantine (noted in the Nestle text as pm—that is, the Byzantine text is split, half reading for the indicative and half reading for the subjunctive). Thus, although the external evidence is strongly in favor of the subjunctive, the indicative is represented well enough that its ancestry could easily go back to the original.

Turning to the internal evidence, the indicative gains much ground. First, the variant was more than likely produced via an error of hearing (since, as we mentioned earlier, omicron and omega were pronounced alike in ancient Greek). But it is doubtful that such was produced by early scribes in scriptoria. This is due to two things: (1) In the earliest period of copying, most manuscripts were not done professionally in a scriptorium. Rather, they were copied by individuals who simply wanted a copy of the scriptures. Thus, presumably they would be done predominantly by sight. Since both readings evidently existed at the very earliest stages, the variant was evidently not created in a scriptorium. (2) Even the later Christian scriptoria do not show nearly as much evidence for errors of hearing as is generally supposed. That is, they do not suggest an error of hearing between the lector and scribe (although of course scribes would read to themselves). Exploitations of various scriptoria by Lake, Blake, New and others show that the extant manuscripts were not directly related to each other. This means that each scribe apparently worked at a desk, with an exemplar MS in front of him, rather than in a ‘classroom’ listening to the scripture being read.

So what is to account for the error of hearing? Evidently it was produced when Paul’s amanuensis or secretary (in this case, Tertius—cf. Rom 16:22) misheard what the author, Paul, had said. Confirmation of this is the fact that even in classical Greek omicron and omega were pronounced alike. Thus, unlike many other so-called errors of hearing which could only have occurred in later Greek (because the phonological system was evolving), this instance looks to be at the earliest stage of development. This, of course, does not indicate which reading was original—just that an error of hearing produced one of them.

In light of the indecisiveness of the transcriptional evidence (what a scribe would be likely to have produced), intrinsic evidence (what an author would be likely to have written) could play a much larger role. This is indeed the case here. First, the indicative fits well with the overall argument of the book to this point. Up until now, Paul has been establishing the “indicatives of the faith.” There is only one imperative (used rhetorically) and only one hortatory subjunctive—the “let us” exhortations—up till this point (and this in a diatribal quotation), while from ch. 6 on there are sixty-one imperatives and seven hortatory subjunctives. Clearly, an exhortation would be out of place in ch. 5. Second, Paul presupposes that the audience has peace with God (via reconciliation) in 5:10. This seems to assume the indicative in v. 1. Third, as Cranfield notes, “it would surely be strange for Paul, in such a carefully argued writing as this, to exhort his readers to enjoy or to guard a peace which he has not yet explicitly shown to be possessed by them” (Romans [ICC] 1.257). Fourth, the notion that εἰρήνην ἔχωμεν can even naturally mean “enjoy peace” is problematic—yet this is the meaning given to the subjunctive by virtually all who consider the subjunctive to be original. This point is elaborated on below.

The subjunctive here has often been translated something like, “Let us enjoy the peace that we already have.” Only rarely in the NT does the verb mean “enjoy” (cf. Heb 11:25), and it probably never has this as a primary force in the subjunctive. Thus, if the subjunctive were original, it probably would mean “let us come to have peace with God,” but this notion is entirely foreign to the context, particularly to the fact that justification has already been applied. As for the rest of the NT, the subjunctive of ἔχω occurs 44 times. John 10:10 comes close to the idea of “enjoy,” but the connotation of enjoyment is not in the verb but in περισσόν (“abundantly”). Note also John 16:33 (εἰρήνην ἔχητε [“you might have (enjoy?) peace”]), but the parallel in the second part of the verse does not help (ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ θλῖψιν ἔχετε [“in the world you have tribulation”), for otherwise Jesus would be saying that his disciples “enjoy tribulation”! Likewise, John 17:13; 2 Cor 1:15; 1 John 1:3 have similar glitches. Elsewhere the subjunctive (even present subjunctive) nowhere seems to suggest the enjoyment of something already possessed. For example, in John 5:40, Jesus in speaking to unbelievers (note v 38) says, “You do not want to come to me that you might have (ἔχητε) life.” This cannot mean “that you might enjoy the life you already have,” for then Jesus would not be offering life absolutely, but only the enjoyment of it (a contradiction of what he says in John 10:10, where both life and the enjoyment of it are granted by him)! Thus, if enjoyment is part of the connotation, so is acquiring it. (Compare further Matt 17:20; 19:16; 21:38; John 3:16; 6:40; 13:35; Rom 1:13; 15:4; 1 Cor 13:1-3; 2 Cor 8:12; Eph 4:28; Heb 6:18; Jas 2:14; 1 John 2:28.)

The point of the preceding paragraph is simply this: if the subjunctive ἔχωμεν is what Paul wrote in Romans 5:1, then the meaning almost certainly would be “Since we have been justified by faith, let us acquire so as to enjoy peace with God.” To my knowledge, no commentator who takes the subjunctive to be original would argue that this is the meaning; yet, on a linguistic basis, there seems to be no easy way around this.

In summary, although the external evidence is stronger in support of the subjunctive, the internal evidence points to the indicative. In conclusion, it might be helpful (finally) to attempt something of a historical reconstruction. Although not necessary to come to a decision about the textual problem, one may nevertheless legitimately ask, “How could the subjunctive end up having such overwhelming external support?”

Our suggestion, although speculative, fits the data well.2 Tertius, Paul’s amanuensis, may have anticipated Paul altering his course at the beginning of chapter 5. Paul’s characteristic οὖν (“therefore”) is often used to gather up the preceding indicatives and use them as the basis for action. It would have been a natural thing to anticipate after the phrase, “therefore, having been justified by faith,” some sort of command. At this juncture, Tertius naturally heard ἔχωμεν. But the letter did not go out that way. Paul’s custom was to look over his letters before sending them on to the churches. He would have corrected the subjunctive before the manuscript was sent.3 Once it arrived in Rome, the Christians there would have made copies and sent them on to other churches. Each church apparently had its own practices: some would keep the original and send copies; others would keep a copy and send the original for copying. In the process, it is probable that the original was copied frequently, but that scribes did not realize that the correction at 5:1 was the author’s. Hence, they would retain the subjunctive. In this instance, the original seems to have been copied fairly extensively without the copyist recognizing that is was Paul who corrected Tertius’ error (how could they discern his handwriting from just one letter, especially if that letter was an ‘o’?). Thus, most copyists would naturally retain the subjunctive, thinking that Paul’s omicron belonged to an overzealous scribe, not the author. But the fact that 0220 (the earliest manuscript for Rom 5:1) has the indicative suggests that it may have come from one of the early copies which Tertius was able (at least indirectly) to comment on, to the effect that the indicative was correct. Obviously, this is quite speculative. But it fits the known facts of what churches and scribes did. As a final note, it should be mentioned that the canon of the harder reading is nullified when one of the readings was patently an unintentional creation. Thus, although the subjunctive is the harder reading, since it can easily be explained as arising unintentionally, this canon cannot be applied with conviction in this instance.

Epilogue

Do Christians have peace with God? The answer is an emphatic ‘yes’! And why do we? Because we have been declared righteous by faith. The implications of this for the Christian life are vast: We ought not to wait around for the other shoe to drop, thinking that the Almighty is sitting on his throne, just waiting to pounce on us! The great truth of the gospel is not that at the moment when we embraced Christ as our Savior we were completely changed, but rather, that at that moment we were completely forgiven. And because of that forgiveness, we now have peace with God—a peace that can never be taken away. Further, as Paul goes on to elaborate in Romans 5-8, because we have this peace with God, we now can grow in grace. In other words, since we have been completely forgiven, we now have the potential to be changed into the likeness of God’s Son.


1Most teachers of Koine Greek make a distinction between omicron and omega in pronunciation, viz., omicron is a short ‘o’ as in ‘rot’ while omega is a long ‘o’ as in ‘rote.’ Classical Greek teachers, on the other hand, generally make no distinction in pronunciation. Most scholars are agreed that in the first Christian century there was little if any difference in the pronunciation of the two letters. (Thus, the Koine pronunciation may be somewhat artificial, owing more to pedagogical/phonetic causes than historical.)

2Indeed, an embryonic form of this suggestion is already mentioned by Metzger in his Textual Commentary; he suggests that Tertius created the subjunctive reading, but leaves it at that.

3Note that in 2 Thess 3:17 he indicates that at the end of all his letters he takes the pen from the amanuensis and writes a note to the readers (sometimes with his name attached, sometimes not). The purpose of such a gesture was to show that such letters were authentic and therefore authoritative. If so, then Paul was also taking responsibility for the contents and, as such, must surely have read the contents and made corrections before the document was sent out.

Related Topics: Comfort, Soteriology (Salvation), Textual Criticism, Theology Proper (God)

Junia Among the Apostles: The Double Identification Problem in Romans 16:7

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In Rom 16:7 Paul says, “Greet Andronicus and Junia(s), my compatriots and my fellow prisoners. They are well known to [or prominent among] the apostles, and they were in Christ before me.” There are two major interpretive problems in this verse, both of which involve the identification of Junia(s). (a) Is Junia(s) a man’s name or a woman’s name? (b) What is this individual’s relation to the apostles?

Is “Junia(s)” Male or Female?

If ᾿Ιουνιαν should have the circumflex over the ultima ( ᾿Ιουνιᾶν) then it is a man’s name; if it should have the acute accent over the penult ( ᾿Ιουνίαν) then it is a woman’s name. For help, we need to look in several places. First, we should consider the accents on the Greek manuscripts. This will be of limited value since they were not added until the ninth century to the NT manuscripts. Thus, their ability to reflect earlier opinions is questionable at best. Nevertheless, they are usually decent indicators as to the opinion in the ninth century. And what they reveal is that  ᾿Ιουνιαν was largely considered a man’s name (for the bulk of the MSS have the circumflex over the ultima).1

Second, somewhat contradictory evidence is found in the church fathers: an almost universal sense that this was a woman’s name surfaces—at least through the twelfth century. Nevertheless, this must be couched tentatively because although at least seventeen fathers discuss the issue (see Fitzmyer’s commentary on Romans for the data), the majority of these are Latin fathers. The importance of that fact is related to the following point.

Third, another consideration has to do with the frequency of this word as a man’s or a woman’s name. On the one hand, no instances of Junias as a man’s name have surfaced to date in Greek literature, while at least three instances of Junia as a woman’s name have appeared in Greek. Further, Junia was a common enough Latin name and, since this was Paul’s letter to the Romans, one might expect to see a few Latin names on the list. But even the data on this score can be deceptive, for the man’s name Junianas was frequent enough in Latin and Greek writings (and, from my cursory examination of Latin materials, the nickname Iunias also occurred as a masculine name on occasion2). What still needs to be examined is the control group: that is, are the other nicknames found in the NT (such as Silas, Epaphras) all exampled in extra-biblical literature? I don’t know the answer to that; to my knowledge no one has done an exhaustive search of the data for all the names of people in the NT (though Lampe has done something fairly close to this, but I have not yet seen his work on “Roman Christians”). In the least, the data on whether  ᾿Ιουνιαν is feminine or masculine are simply inadequate to make a decisive judgment, though what minimal data we do have suggests a feminine name. Although most modern translations regard the name as masculine, the data simply do not yield themselves in this direction. And although we are dealing with scanty material, it is always safest to base one’s views on actual evidence rather than mere opinion.3

What is Junia’s Relation to the Apostles?

Although the vast bulk of commentaries and translations regard Junia(s) to be one of the apostles (in a non-technical sense), such a view is based on less than adequate evidence. At present, I am involved in a search of the key term in Romans 16:7 that would help us decide this issue—ἐπίσημος. Using the TLG database (which now incorporates all Greek literature from Homer to AD 600 and most Greek literature from AD 600 to 1453), as well as the PHI CD of Greek non-literary papyri, we are able to scan over 100 million words of Greek. Not all of the relevant materials have yet been translated, but of what has a certain pattern has developed.

At issue is whether we should translate the phrase in Romans 16:7—ἐπίσημος ἐν τοῖς ἀποστόλοις—as “outstanding among the apostles” or “well known to the apostles.” Although almost all translations assume the first rendering, this is by no means a given. Even in a meticulous commentary such as Fitzmyer’s, though both options are discussed, no evidence is supplied for either. But the evidence is out there; mere opinion is inadequate.

In order to resolve this issue two items need to be examined. First is the lexical field of the adjective ἐπίσημος. Second is the the syntactical implication of this adjective in collocation with ἐν plus the dative.

First, for the lexical issue. ἐπίσημος can mean “well known, prominent, outstanding, famous, notable, notorious” (BAGD 298 s.v. ἐπίσημος; LSJ 655-56; LN 28.31). The lexical domain can roughly be broken down into two streams: ἐπίσημος is used either in an implied comparative sense (“prominent, outstanding [among]”) or in an elative sense (“famous, well known [to]”).

Second, the key to determining the meaning of the term in any given passage is both the general context and the specific collocation of this word with its adjuncts. Hence, we turn to the ἐν τοῖς ἀποστόλοις. As a working hypothesis, we would suggest the following. Since a noun in the genitive is typically used with comparative adjectives, we might expect such with an implied comparison. Thus, if in Rom 16:7 Paul meant to say that Andronicus and Junia were outstanding among the apostles, we might have expected him to use the genitive4 τῶν ἀποστόλων. On the other hand, if an elative force is suggested—i.e., where no comparison is even hinted at—we might expect ἐν + the dative.

As an aside, some commentators reject such an elative sense in this passage because of the collocation with the preposition ἐν,5 but such a view is based on a misperception of the force of the whole construction. On the one hand, there is a legitimate complaint about seeing ἐν with dative as indicating an agent , and to the extent that “well known by the apostles” implies an action on the apostles’ part (viz., that the apostles know) such an objection has merit.6 On the other hand, the idea of something being known by someone else does not necessarily imply agency. This is so for two reasons. First, the action implied may actually be the passive reception of some event or person (thus, texts such as 1 Tim 3:16, in which the line ὤφθη ἀγγέλοις can be translated either as “was seen by angels” or “appeared to angels”; either way the “action” performed by angels is by its very nature relatively passive). Such an idea can be easily accommodated in Rom 16:7: “well known to/by the apostles” simply says that the apostles were recipients of information, not that they actively performed “knowing.” Thus, although ἐν plus a personal dative does not indicate agency, in collocation with words of perception, (ἐν plus) dative personal nouns are often used to show the recipients. In this instance, the idea would then be “well known to the apostles.” Second, even if ἐν with the dative plural is used in the sense of “among” (so Moo here, et alii), this does not necessarily locate Andronicus and Junia within the band of apostles; rather, it is just as likely that knowledge of them existed among the apostles.

Turning to the actual data, we notice the following. When a comparative notion is seen, that to which ἐπίσημος is compared is frequently, if not usually, put in the genitive case. For example, in 3 Macc 6:1 we read Ελεαζαρος δέ τις ἀνὴρ ἐπίσημος τῶν ἀπὸ τής χώρας ἱερέων (“Eleazar, a man prominent among the priests of the country”). Here Eleazar was one of the priests of the country, yet was comparatively oustanding in their midst. The genitive is used for the implied comparison (τῶν ἱερέων). In Ps Sol 17:30 the idea is very clear that the Messiah would “glorify the Lord in a prominent [place] in relation to all the earth” (τὸν κύριον δοξάσει ἐν ἐπισήμῳ πάσης τῆς γῆς). The prominent place is a part of the earth, indicated by the genitive modifier. Martyrdom of Polycarp 14:1 speaks of an “outstanding ram from a great flock” (κριὸς ἐπίσημος ἐκ μεγάλου).  Here ἐκ plus the genitive is used instead of the simple genitive, perhaps to suggest the ablative notion over the partitive, since this ram was chosen for sacrifice (and thus would soon be separated from the flock). But again, the salient features are present: (a) an implied comparison (b) of an item within a larger group, (c) followed by (ἐκ plus) the genitive to specify the group to which it belongs.7

When, however, an elative notion is found, ἐν plus a personal plural dative is not uncommon. In Ps Sol 2:6, where the Jewish captives are in view, the writer indicates that “they were a spectacle among the gentiles” (ἐπισήμῳ ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν). This construction comes as close to Rom 16:7 as any I have yet seen. The parallels include (a) people as the referent of the adjective ἐπίσημος, (b) followed by ἐν plus the dative plural, (c) the dative plural referring to people as well. All the key elements are here. Semantically, what is significant is that (a) the first group is not a part of the second—that is, the Jewish captives were not gentiles; and (b) what was ‘among’ the gentiles was the Jews’ notoriety. This is precisely how we are suggesting Rom 16:7 should be taken. That the parallels discovered so far8 conform to our working hypothesis at least gives warrant to seeing Andronicus’ and Junia’s fame as that which was among the apostles. Whether the alternative view has semantic plausibility remains to be seen.

In sum, until further evidence is produced that counters the working hypothesis, we must conclude that Andronicus and Junia were not apostles, but were known to the apostles. To be sure, our conclusion is tentative. But it is always safer to stand on the side of some evidence than on the side of none at all.

This, however, should not be the end of the matter. We welcome any and all evidence that either supports or contradicts our working hypothesis. After all, our objective is to pursue truth.


1 Although some might suspect a chauvinistic motive on the part of the scribes, this assumes that all scribes were men. A recent doctoral dissertation done at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, has demonstrated otherwise.

2 This tentative conclusion is contradicted by older studies that are presently inaccessible to me. Nevertheless, the database I am using is the CD from the Packard Humanities Institute, certainly more comprehensive than anything examined previously.

3 The NET Bible regards this as a woman’s name because the data are sufficient to argue this way, while they are insufficient to argue that it is a man’s name.

4 Either the simple genitive, or one after the preposition ἐκ.

5 Moo, for example, writes: “if Paul had wanted to say that Andronicus and Junia were esteemed ‘by’ the apostles, we would have expected him to use a simple dative or ὑπό with the genitive” (D. J. Moo, Romans, NICNT, 923).

6 Cf. Wallace, Exegetical Syntax, 163-66, where it is indicated that the only clear texts in the NT in which a dative of agency occurs involve a perfect passive verb; in the discussion of ἐν with dative, it is suggested that there are “no unambiguous examples” of this idiom.

7 But in the Additions to Esther 16:22 we read that the people are to “observe this as a notable day among the commemorative festivals” (ἐν ταῖς ...ἑορταῖς ἐπίσημον ἡμέραν). In this text, that which is ἐπίσημος is itself among  (ἐν) similar entities. Whether this normally or even ever happens with personal nouns in the plural after ἐν is a different matter, and one that cannot be answered until further research is conducted.

8 To be sure, much more work needs to be done. All of TLG and PHI #7 need to be searched for the construction. Nevertheless, the evidence thus far adduced falls right in line with our working hypothesis.

Related Topics: Text & Translation

The Lord is My Shepherd

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Editor’s Note: Ruqaya’s stirring testimony speaks eloquently to the power of the gospel. This young lady grew up as a Muslim, but put her faith in Jesus Christ a few years ago. Her testimony is somewhat reminiscent of Paul’s Damascus Road experience. I know her well, and can affirm the truth of this testimony. My prayer is that her words here will drive deep and convict many of her Arab countrymen of their need of the Savior. You are sure to hear more of “Rockie’s” devotion to Christ in the years to come. Rockie, may God grant you opportunity and boldness in your witness to the Lord Jesus Christ.

Daniel B. Wallace,
August 1, 2003

It was February 10, 1990 on a Saturday when I sat at the airport at the age of 23. I thought about what happened in my past life, what is happening to me now, and what could happen to me in the future. My plane to Jordan would leave in an hour and my life would never be the same. I would marry a man whom my father chose for me and I would never return to the U.S. unless my husband decided to move here.

You see, I was born in Jordan to a Palestinian family. As the third and middle child, my grandmother decided I should be the first of my brothers and sisters to carry a Muslim name. She named me Ruqaya, after one of the messenger Mohammed’s daughters.  When I was eight years old, my father decided to come to the U.S. to make some money and eventually go back to Jordan.  He feared his daughters would grow up to become American women and possibly even marry American men. My father held very strongly to his Arab customs and wanted his children to follow the Arab customs and Islam, especially his daughters. It is a disgrace to the family and forbidden in Islam for an Arab Muslim woman to marry a non-Muslim man. On the other hand my brothers were allowed to marry anyone they wanted as long as they are believers of the Books (Torah and Gospel) because Islam gave them that right. That is why my father sent me to Jordan to go to high school.

I lived with my grandmother, my uncle, and his family for a few years. My father was so pleased with me because I became a devout Muslim. He was relieved to know he didn’t have to worry about my older sister because she was already married to an Arab Muslim, my younger sister was too young for him to worry about, and I was living the life that would please God and him. I stayed in Jordan as my dad traveled back and forth from Jordan to the U.S. so he can visit me while I was going to school. As much as I loved seeing him, I felt happy living in Jordan and following God’s ways. I prayed five times a day, fasted the month of Ramadan, read the Qur’an daily, wore the veil (covering the entire body and showing only the hands, face and feet) and tried to imitate the prophet Mohammed in every way. No matter what I did for God, I felt I needed to do more to show him how obedient I was to Him. I would sit with my relatives and start quoting the prophet Mohammed and the Qur’an to them. My father was so proud of me!

The more I spent time in Islam, the further I drifted from God. The Muslims I knew didn’t seem to truly love God. They worshipped Him to obtain heaven and feared His wrath and anger. I also began to wonder about my motive in following Islam. “Was I following it for God or for the people around me?”, I thought to myself. I’m not sure what my answer was, but I decided not to wear the veil anymore and act like a Muslim instead of looking like one. Worshipping God suddenly became an issue only between God and me.

At the age of twenty three, my father decided I should be married. In the Arab culture, the marriage process required a man asking for a woman’s hand from her family. Dating is not allowed, but both have a chance to talk to each other in the presence of their families before they decide if they are right for each other. Several Arab Muslims came to ask for my hand, but I refused. I had a hard time marrying someone that I didn’t know just to please my father. The culture and Islam allow marriages between first cousins. I refused to marry my cousin along with distant relatives and even strangers. “Why would my father want me to marry someone I didn’t love or even know?”, I felt. At the same time, my father didn’t understand why I would refuse all these good men when he knew quite well that love comes after marriage and not before. When my dad realized that reasoning with me wouldn’t work, he tried force. He decided I should go back to Jordan and stay there until I was married. My younger sister was sixteen at the time, so my dad felt she should come with me. That was a trying moment in my life.

Disgrace in the family brought by a daughter is the worst shame a family can go through. Many families have killed their daughters for what the culture considers disgrace. That was what I had to think about when I sat at the airport with my sister as we prepared to leave for Jordan. My dad flew to Jordan before us to prepare for my wedding and my brother made sure we would get to the airport without any problems. As I sat in the airport, I knew what I had to face—disgrace or misery: disgrace the family if I ran away or be miserable when married to one of my cousins for the rest of my life. At that point, I was so angry at my father and God: angry at my father for what he was doing and angry at God for allowing what was happening to me. I felt my heart screaming at God and saying, “Out of everyone in my family, it was ME who prayed to You, ME who fasted for You, ME who studied the Qur’an and this is what You allow to happen to me?! Why did You allow my family to send me to Jordan when I was still a teenager? Why did I have to live in an uncaring home? Why didn’t You help me pursue my education when my dad refused to let me continue my education? Why did You allow my grandmother, my uncle and his family to treat me so harshly when I was with them? Why did You allow all these bad things to happen to me? Why God, WHY?!” I made a decision that day to stop praying to God and stop worshiping Him the way I had done in the past.

February 10, 1990 was the day that completely changed my life. My younger sister and I took our luggage and we were on our way to the nearest hotel. The plane landed sixteen hours later as my father, along with other relatives, waited for us in the airport to greet us. When my father realized that we weren’t on the plane, he went out of his mind! He called my brother and told him we weren’t on the plane so my brother began to desperately search for us. My sister knew she had to go back home because the family would kill us both once they found us. There was a possibility they would claim I kidnapped my sister because she was under age. We both agreed she would tell them that I dragged her off the plane and forced her to come with me so they would not harm her. I promised her that if they tried to force her to do anything she didn’t want, I would come back and get her. We tearfully said good-bye to one another thinking that we would never see each other again.

God alone was the only One who could protect me, but I was so angry at Him that I didn’t ask for His help. I didn’t have much money and I couldn’t work because they would find me under my social security number. I didn’t have many American friends because my father wouldn’t allow me to be influenced by their “Satanic ways.” And more importantly, I didn’t know what to do in a society I hardly associated with. I needed courage, strength and wisdom.

I joined the U.S. Army National Guard so the government could protect me. Once I was done with my military training, I went back to a suburb in the city where my family lived and I lived there in hiding. During that time, I found a job and became very successful at work. I rented an apartment from the money I saved while I was on active duty in the military, and met many friends that would care for me as if I was a member of their family.

Four years later, I slowly began to contact my family. My father had moved to Jordan and married another woman there, my brothers were living on their own, and my mom and younger sister were living together. After five years, I made peace with my family and they accepted me living alone and running my own life. It amazed me to see how accepting my family was of that; I began to see God’s grace in my life. “He didn’t neglect me after all,” I thought, “I don’t know what I would have done without His love and grace. He took me out of a bad situation to put me in a better one. He protected me and gave me the courage, wisdom and strength to survive on my own.” I felt ashamed for being angry at Him and I needed to make peace with Him by going back to Islam. I didn’t pray five times a day, but I thanked Him daily and did nice things that I thought would please Him.

February of 1998, I accepted a job for a company that would move me to another state to work as a salesperson. That same month a dear friend of mine died of a car accident leaving me in agony and distress. Because I had made peace with God, I was able to talk to Him and for the first time have conversations with Him. I didn’t know why He did what He did, but I had to accept it because of my past experience, I knew He did things for a reason even though I didn’t understand. Nonetheless, I asked for His help, and actually asked Him to help everyone in the world who needs help.

The month of May had arrived and it was time for me to move. I arrived not knowing anyone or what to expect from this city. I was scared being in a new city, and sad that I left my family and friends, but excited about my new job. I wanted to be close to Mexico so I could learn more Spanish and travel there for my company. My plan was to be successful in international sales, but the Lord had other plans for me.

Under the strangest circumstances, I met a woman one evening that was walking her dog in front of my apartment. She and I became friends instantly so one day she invited me to go to her church. I didn’t think there was any harm in me going to church. “After all,” I thought, “God sent down Judaism and Christianity so He would not be upset if I went to church even though I’m a Muslim.”

I really enjoyed the pastor’s sermons and felt that he offered sound teachings. The only thing that didn’t seem sound to me was when the pastor talked about Jesus being the Son of God. I felt, though, that God would forgive the pastor because he was misled by his family to believe that Jesus is the Son of God. Sometimes the pastor would say that Jesus is God in the flesh and sometimes he would say that Jesus is the Son of God. I knew for sure that the pastor was obviously confused because how can Jesus be God and then be God’s Son? That just didn’t make any sense to me. I continued to go to church until one day the pastor said that Muslims didn’t know Jesus Christ. I was struck by that comment. Something inside of me said, “Of course Muslims know Jesus; the pastor is sadly mistaken and I need to set the record straight.” After the service, I went to the pastor, introduced myself to him, and told him that I’m a Muslim and I DO know Jesus Christ. He apologized for making a blanket statement, and said, “ I know that Muslims believe he is a prophet.” I told him that I would like to meet with him to talk about his faith. Sooner or later I would have approached the pastor, but that comment expedited the whole process for me to search for the truth. That was another turning point in my life.

My heart and soul were convinced that the prophet Mohammed was the last messenger and the Qur’an was the last book sent by God. The Qur’an clearly states that Jesus was a messenger who was born of a virgin mother, Mary. He had many miracles including bringing the dead to life, healing the sick, speaking when he was a baby, and creating a bird out of clay. The Lord loved him so much that when his enemies were preparing to crucify him, God sent someone to look like Jesus and die on the cross instead of Jesus. Muslims believe that he never died, but was raised to heaven to be protected from his enemies. Jesus, in the Qur’an, claims he never told anyone to worship him but to worship the One true God. The Bible has been changed, according to Muslims, so that Christians and Jews really don’t have the true Books. When God gave Mohammed the message, God preserved the Qur’an and made sure no one would change it like the Torah and the Gospel.

I continued to go to Church and listen to the pastor’s sermons, but I began to wonder why Christians had different beliefs than Muslims. As I listened and began to read different books on Christianity and Islam, I became very confused and didn’t know what to believe anymore. I had to wrestle with many issues: Was Jesus crucified? Did Jesus die on the cross for man’s sins? Is Jesus God or the Son of God? Is God a Triune God? Is the Bible really accurate and had the Bible been preserved after all these years? If the answer was yes to all my questions, that would mean then that Mohammed was a liar and the Qur’an was not from God. Work, family, friends, and everything else around me suddenly became meaningless. My days and evenings were consumed with tears and agony over God and the truth. How could I know what really happened 2,000 years ago? How could I betray my family or maybe even God if I believed in Jesus Christ? That was a decision I was not willing to make myself. Nonetheless, I continued to read and search for answers to all my questions.

My questions needed convincing answers and I didn’t know who would help me until the pastor recommended a professor at a seminary. As I spoke with the professor and read many books, things started making sense. The Bible had to be accurate because of the Dead Sea Scrolls. One of the Dead Sea Scrolls was a copy of the book of Isaiah that dates back to 125 BC. Apart from the Dead Sea Scrolls there are also parts of very old manuscripts of the Gospel according to John and the Gospel according to Matthew that we currently have that are in museums around Europe and the Middle East. I began to read and compare the prophecies that were in the Old Testament about the coming of the Messiah and how they were all fulfilled in the New Testament. The Old Testament talks about the Messiah’s hands and feet being pierced for man’s transgressions, he would be born of a virgin mother, he would be led like a lamb to the slaughter, he would be sold for 30 pieces, he would enter Jerusalem on a donkey, and he would be called the Almighty God and Prince of Peace. These prophecies in the Old Testament and how they were fulfilled in the New Testament led me to believe in the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. The only thing left for me to wrestle with was Jesus’ deity as part of a Triune God. “I can not, under any circumstances, believe that Jesus is God; that would be pure blasphemy!”, I thought to myself. I had to either end my search or challenge Jesus’ deity because I knew I couldn’t embrace Christianity if I knew I had to believe in Jesus’ deity. I needed a miracle.

One day I said to Jesus, “O.K. Mr. Messiah, it’s my way or the highway. If you are God, you would prove it to me by doing what I want you to do.” Jesus didn’t respond. I was beginning to believe that God didn’t want me to trust in Jesus because I thought for sure He’d respond to my prayers. Then one Sunday, I went to church and the pastor was talking about prayer. He said, “When I pray for something, I usually say: God, if this is Your will, then open the door wide open or slam it shut, but please Lord, don’t let me make this decision myself.” I felt good about that prayer because I was afraid of making the wrong decision about God. As soon as I got home that day I prayed and said, “God, if you want me to follow Christianity, then open the doors wide open or slam it shut, but please Lord let me make this decision myself.” For a whole week nothing happened.

Sunday morning August 2, 1998, I woke up feeling depressed as usual about my search. I decided not to go to church because I didn’t want to hear people say that Jesus is God anymore. An Iranian Christian pastor called me and said he would like a Qur’an. That evening, I went to his church to give him a Qur’an because I thought it was a nice thing to do. He knew I had been searching for a few months. When I arrived at church, he asked me where I was in my search. I told him that I believed in the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, but I didn’t believe in his deity. I also told the Iranian pastor that I’ve studied the life of Jesus, I would want a man like him to be my neighbor, my brother, my father, by boss, my judge in a court of law, my king in a country because no one in history compared to him. He said, “Well, if you think he is that wonderful and that he died on the cross for your sins, will you confess that before God?” I agreed so we prayed together and he told me he would like to be the first person to shake my hand and congratulate me for being one of God’s children. He asked me to continue to pray, read the Bible daily, and tell everyone what I just did. I had no idea what he was talking about. The pastor and I said good-bye to one another and I headed for my car. I got in my car and it all hit me. I sat there in total shock and said out loud as if God was sitting right next me, “You really wanted me to do this all along didn’t You? You really wanted me to take this step, didn’t You?” I then began to cry because I realized what happened. God made the decision for me! I fought with Jesus and I lost! I wanted him to reveal himself to me on my terms, but he was willing to reveal himself to me on His terms. It was clear to me that Jesus wanted me to walk with him instead of challenge Him.

I am grateful that the Lord has been my shepherd throughout my life. He has been there for me when I needed Him and even when I thought I didn’t need Him. He has taken me through roads and routes I never dreamed to take. Above all, I’m amazed and that He loved me so much, He sent Jesus do die on the cross for me! How humbling and precious that is to me! The Lord is my shepherd and He has been leading His sheep.

Related Topics: Evangelism, Soteriology (Salvation)

Is No Place Safe Any More? (Or, Where Is God in the Midst of Tragedy?)

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Headline for the Dallas Morning News, Friday, September 17, 1999: Why? The thick black letters are an inch and a half high. They ask the question that has been haunting the country since the Wednesday before, when Larry Gene Ashbrook walked into Wedgwood Baptist Church in Forth Worth and in the space of five minutes killed seven young people, injured seven others, then turned the gun on himself and took his own life.

Comparisons with the Columbine High School shooting on April 20, in which 15 were killed (including the two gunmen) immediately come to mind. A common refrain heard on the nightly newscasts was, “First a school, then a church! Is no place safe any more?” Maybe the ‘Why?’ should have been two inches high.

Anyone with an ounce of humanity in him struggles with this question. Easy answers only come forth, it seems, from insensitive folk who prefer to distance themselves from the tragedy. Asked by my pastor, Pete Briscoe, to write up something of a theological perspective on this horrific event, I found myself procrastinating. And procrastinating. What could I possibly say that could offer any comfort?

One of the dangers of offering a theological perspective is that it can look cold and calculating, insensitive to the unspeakable pain that survivors, relatives, and friends are going through. It can look no different than so many politicians’ speeches that are simply hollow rhetoric. So I must preface my remarks with this: I weep with you. I grieve with you. And although I can’t possibly know what you’re going through, my heart aches for you.

John Piper put it well: “Pain is life’s greatest hermeneutic.” By that he meant that it is often only through pain that we can see all the pieces of the puzzle, that we have the big picture of what life is all about laid out so clearly in front of us, that we can finally understand. But pain does not automatically do this: our response to pain does—and even then, not immediately. Atheists and saints are both often ‘born’ in the aftermath of a tragedy.

When we ask, “How could God let this happen?”, we are on to something. What we do and feel next is of utmost importance. Some people decide that it is blasphemous even to raise such a question in the first place, that to ask ‘Why?’ is itself sinful. I do not share that sentiment, for this reason: it is neither human nor biblical. The books of Job and the Psalms ask this question at least sixty times—almost regardless of which translation one reads—and a very large portion of these questions are on the lips of godly men as they wonder about God’s ways. It is no sin to ask why. Indeed, I think it may well be wrong not to ask that question! When our son nearly died from cancer a few years ago, some friends consoled with this kind of attitude. They comforted us by quoting precious verses—especially Romans 8:28 (“All things work together for good for those who love God…”)—and then they walked away. Scripture became for them a way to deny the grief, to deny the pain. They loved us at an arm’s distance. To be sure, in the midst of suffering the human soul cries out for answers. But it cries out for more than that. It cries out for comfort, for love, for someone to share the burden of grief.

All of this is not to say there are no answers. But the answer that we seek is too often elusive; we never really know in this life—we cannot know in this life—the details of the answer to our question. Now, to be sure, we sometimes do get a partial answer to the ‘Why?’ As Pete preached last Sunday, a huge part of God’s purpose is to make his Son known. He gave eloquent testimony to the fact that God had done just this. The response of Christians around the country to the tragedy at Wedgwood Baptist Church was overwhelming: renewed commitments, greater boldness for Christ, and opportunity to speak of our confident hope of the resurrection because Jesus paid the price for our sins. All this in a matter of days. And if that were not enough, the cover story of this last week’s Christianity Today (dated October 4) was “’Do You Believe in God?’ How Columbine Changed America.” If we wonder about the impact that the Fort Worth shooting might have, sit down and read this CT article by Wendy Murray Zoba. She chronicles how three teenagers—Rachel Scott, Val Schnurr, and Cassie Bernall—affirmed their belief in God before getting shot. One of the kids in Cassie’s youth group later confessed, “Cassie raised the bar for me and my Christianity.” In Rachel’s journal there is an earnestness about her faith, reminiscent of Jim Elliott: “I want heads to turn in the halls when I walk by. I want them to stare at me, watching and wanting the light you put in me. I want you to overflow my cup with your Spirit…. I want you to use me to reach the unreached.” God answered her prayer! Her father relates,

Columbine was a wound to open up the hearts of the kids in this country. Tens of thousands of young people have given their hearts to the Lord [since Columbine]; we know that from phone class and letters. Organized Christianity hasn’t been able to do that in decades.”

And make no mistake about it: Columbine and Wedgwood are related: Cassie Bernall’s mother offers this insight:

Most of the kids they killed—if not all of them—were Christian kids. …

It was spiritual warfare. It’s still happening. At Cassie’s memorial there was a happy-face balloon, and our son discovered someone had drawn a bullet going into it. And there was a young man walking in the mall wearing a black trench coat with a T-shirt that said, “We’re still ahead 13 to 2.”

Whether we will ever know what was in Larry Ashbrook’s mind when he gunned down the kids at Wedgwood Baptist Church, we can be assured that behind him stood the forces of Beelzebul, of Satan himself. If six months after the Columbine slaughter America has already started to rouse from its spiritual slumber, what will happen six months from now? Maybe not only will unbelievers turn to Christ, but believers might strengthen their commitment to the Lord who bought them and jettison the shell of cultural Christianity that their faith has become.

But what if that doesn’t happen? What if this country simply goes back to sleep, as though the whole thing were simply a bad dream, a mere blip in an otherwise peaceful slumber. What if the responses are merely ethical and not spiritual? What if people clean up their lives but don’t turn to Christ—resulting in the same eternity reserved for the worst of unrepentant sinners? If such were the case, would God’s purposes be thwarted? NO. But our answers to such tragedies would continue to lack the details that we had hoped for.

So what answer can we know? I’ll get to that in a moment.

As I said, we are on to something when we start by asking God why there is evil in the world. When evil gets a face, when it becomes personal—as it inevitably does in everyone’s life—the question becomes more earnest, more desperate. At bottom, what we are really asking is a question about the nature of God. When someone asks, “How could God let this happen?” two things are presupposed about God: he is good and he is sovereign. And therein lies the crux of the problem. If we think about it a little while, we might even articulate it this way, “If God is good, isn’t he also powerful enough not to have let this happen?” Or, put another way, “If God is in control, isn’t he good enough not to have let this happen?” Either way, the goodness of God or the sovereignty of God seems to be on trial. Perhaps you can see why atheists are born at a time like this: their image of God is shattered at the paradox of the situation. “God wasn’t there for me” becomes the mantra that leads to atheism or, in the least, to a marginalization of God in one’s thinking. The scary thing is that we are all atheists at heart when we sanitize and shrink-wrap the majesty and grandeur of God into manageable proportions.

Briefly, I wish to address the issue of two of God’s attributes, his sovereignty and his goodness, and how they relate to one another. Consider the following points.

(1) When we think of God’s will we need to nuance the discussion. The Bible speaks of God’s will in essentially two ways: what he desires and what he decrees. These two must not be confused.

(2) God desires that we should not sin: “For this is the will of God, your sanctification; that is, that you abstain from sexual immorality” (1 Thess 4:3); “live the rest of the time in the flesh no longer for the lusts of men, but for the will of God” (1 Pet 4:2); “understand what the will of the Lord is—namely, do not get drunk with wine but be filled by the Spirit” (Eph 5:17-18). And yet, we do sin. If this is all there is to God’s will, then he’s not very powerful.

(3) God has decreed all that has come to pass and all that will come to pass: He “works all things according to the counsel of his will” (Eph 1:11); “I know that you can do all things and that no purpose of yours can be thwarted” (Job 42:2); “For truly in this city there were gathered together against your holy servant Jesus, whom you anointed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate, along with the Gentiles and the people of Israel, to do whatever your hand and your purpose predestined to occur” (Acts 4:27-28). Cf. also Isaiah 40, Romans 9-11. Yet, not all that God has decreed is good (at least not in the short run). If this is all there is to God’s will, then he must not be good himself.

(4) These two aspects of God’s will can be stated simply: God desires some things that he does not decree, and God decrees some things that he does not desire.

(5) Now, before we jump to any conclusions about the illogic of it all, we need to consider another attribute of God: simplicity. God is one (Deut 6:4); his attributes cannot be compartmentalized. There is no contradiction in him. He is eternal in his love, omniscient in his justice, good in his sovereignty, and sovereign in his goodness. He is not good one day, then sovereign the next.

Nothing catches him by surprise; not even a sparrow falls to the ground without his knowledge. Not even the Fort Worth tragedy caught God off-guard. We must not think of him as sitting on the throne, trying to keep track of all the activities on this old sphere, but every once in a rare while missing a catastrophe that somehow slips under his heavenly radar! God is not sitting there thinking, “I should have seen the signs! I should have known Larry Ashbrook was capable of doing this!” He knows all things that ever have happened, are happening, or will happen. He also knows all the ‘could haves’, ‘would haves’ and ‘should haves.’ All contingencies and realities are perfectly known to God and always have been. God doesn’t learn, precisely because he already knows all. And if he never has to look down the corridors of time to see what’s going to happen, this must mean that everything happens according to his purpose. Even the mass murder in Fort Worth.

And yet, his purpose is ultimately to glorify himself. He does this especially through his creation, particularly humanity. Ultimately, all that God does is good—perfectly, eternally, infinitely good. One of the reasons we can’t see it—or refuse to see it—is that our horizon is temporal. In modern America, we tend to interpret God’s blessings in dollars and cents, in quality of life, in conveniences and comfort. We think that what we have come to value must be what God values. But listen to the remarkable words of the apostle Paul as he sits imprisoned in Rome: “For it has been granted to you not only to believe in Christ but also to suffer for him” (Phil 1:29, NET). Paul says that suffering for Christ is a gift! In Paul’s mind, what these Christian kids in Fort Worth just went through was a privilege. If we can’t see that then perhaps our values have gotten really messed up somewhere along the road. But we also can’t see that because we tend to view this life as all there really is. But the reality is that this life—whether it lasts for two days or ninety years—is not even a speck on eternity’s time line. As one of my professors, S. Lewis Johnson, Jr., used to say, “There is an ‘until’.” What all this means is that the full goodness of God cannot possibly be known in this life.

(6) That there are no contradictions in God does not mean that there are no apparent contradictions in God. That is because what the infinite God does appears to finite creatures as impossible and contradictory. Perhaps an analogy might help. It is as though we lived in a two-dimensional world, looking out at a three-dimensional world. If in our realm of existence we saw a man walk toward us, since our only frame of reference was two dimensional we would swear that the man was growing at an incredible pace! But then, just as quickly, he shrinks when he walks away. We know that that is impossible, but we have no explanation for what we just witnessed. And frankly, we don’t have the capacity to understand what we just witnessed. But if we decide never to look past our shallow plane of existence because we can’t understand what we see, our lives are thereby impoverished by our stubbornness and ignorance.

(7) All of this leads to a final point: How do we deal with the tension between the goodness of God and the sovereignty of God? And this is the real question we are asking in the midst of tragedy. Our response is to trust. And to know that there is no contradiction in God, to actually take comfort in the fact that he is infinite and we are but puny little creatures who often sin by presuming that we can tell God how to do his job. As he says in Isaiah 55:8-9, “My ways are not your ways and my thoughts are not your thoughts. Just as the heavens are higher than the earth, so are my ways higher than your ways, and my thoughts higher than your thoughts.” Or, as the apostle Paul put it, “Oh, the depth of the riches and wisdom and knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments and how fathomless his ways! For who has known the mind of the Lord, or who has been his counselor? Or who has first given to God that God needs to repay him? For from him and through him and to him are all things. To him be glory forever! Amen” (Rom 11:33-36, NET). This crescendo of praise from Paul’s pen was not conceived in an ivory tower setting. Paul magnified his God in response to his own profound  grief over the unresponsiveness of the Jews to their Messiah (cf. Rom 9:1-3). His words are just as relevant and just as comforting today as they were then.

Related Topics: Cultural Issues, Theology Proper (God)

Rushdoony, Neoplatonism, and a Biblical View of Sex

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N.B. The following essay was originally an address given at the University of Arkansas in 1987.

Preface

I am unashamedly a Christian. But lest you think that I have come here today simply to say, “Fidelity in a monogamous relationship is the only way to go—all else is sin!” I want to set you at ease. I do believe that, but there are reasons for my faith. If you’re not a Christian, you may still be interested in hearing the rationale for a Christian view of sex and marriage.

As foreign as philosophy seems from a talk about sex, it is necessary to gain some philosophical underpinnings in order to view sex properly. Consequently, I will address two topics in this lecture: (1) misconceptions about the biblical view of sex and (2) what the Bible teaches about sex and marriage.

I. Misconceptions about the Biblical View of Sex: Rushdoony to the Rescue!

Contrary to popular opinion, God is not a cosmic killjoy. He is not out to ruin all our fun! Unfortunately, many people have viewed God that way for centuries. Some have even castrated themselves in alleged obedience to the divine will. In some measure, this is because Christians have promoted such a false view of God. . .

Among the many influences on Christianity almost from its inception, one of the most pernicious—and arguably the most destructive from a philosophical view—is neoplatonism. Neoplatonism is simply ‘new’ (neo) ‘Plato-(n)ism.’ It is a dialectical dualism which pits spirit against flesh, body against soul, mind against matter, etc. It crept into the church in the second century AD through the route of gnosticism. Now the gnostics were an early Christian heretical group, quite popular in Egypt, which viewed spirit as good and matter as evil. They found a difficulty accepting the biblical teaching of creation: “God created the heavens and the earth. . . and it was good.” So they posited a series of semi-creators between God and the earth. That is to say, God created the next being who was not, like God, pure spirit, but was instead an amalgam of spirit and matter (though mostly spirit). He then created the next being who had a bit more matter to his make-up. And so on down the line: the last creator created the earth, pure matter. Jesus Christ was considered very high up on the ladder—hence, the gnostics did not view him as real man.

The result of all this was that by mixing the Bible with ancient Greek philosophy, Christians began to see a dichotomy, a dialectical struggle within man, between body and soul, between emotion and reason. In reality, such a view of life was merely neoplatonism in Christian garb. Unfortunately, it has plagued Christians—as well as all of western civilization—for nearly twenty centuries. We might, with some justification, call it the ‘Spock syndrome.’ (Spock, as you well know, was the science officer of Star Trek fame: as the son of a vulcan father and a human mother, he constantly wrestled with reason vs. emotion. Any time he gave in to his human nature, Dr. McCoy was quick to point it out to him! [Incidentally, it is no accident that the very human—and emotional—McCoy was the medical officer, i.e., he dealt with bodies, while Spock was the science officer who dealt with things related to pure reason.] Although Gene Roddenberry had glamorized Spock [he was just about everyone’s favorite character], in reality a person who adopts a world-view that sees body and spirit in mortal combat is a moral monster.)

We might illustrate, rather crudely, the neoplatonic view of life:

I’d like to illustrate how extensive and pervasive this neoplatonic world-view has infected Christianity by quoting heavily from a very important book: Rousas John Rushdoony’s Flight from Humanity (Craig Press, 1973). Although this will seem somewhat pedantic, it is crucial for you who are Christians—as well as you who are non-Christians—to understand the difference between what many people believe about Christianity and what the Bible teaches.

First, Rushdoony gives some examples of how ancient Christians mixed biblical Christianity with neoplatonism:

“For a Christian, the lives of ‘the saints’ are sometimes painful reading. Intelligence and faith are sometimes wedded to the most ludicrous practices and to ideas alien to Biblical religion ... When, after a very hot journey, Jovinus washed his tired feet (and hands) in very cold water, and then stretched out to rest, the ‘holy’ Melania rebuked him:

Melania approached him like a wise mother approaching her own son, and she scoffed at his weakness, saying, “How can a warm-blooded young man like you dare to pamper your flesh that way? Do you not know that this is the source of much harm? Look, I am sixty years old and neither my feet nor my face nor any of my members, except for the tips of my fingers, has touched water, although I am afflicted with many ailments and my doctors urge me. I have not yet made concessions to my bodily desires, nor have I used a couch for resting, nor have I ever made a journey on a litter.

We learn nothing about Biblical holiness from Melania, although we do begin to realize what ‘the odor of sanctity’ could have meant.” (pp. 1-2)

“. . . the sin of Adam [was] to be as God, to transcend creatureliness with all its limitations and become more than a man. Macarius of Alexandria gives us an example of this:

Here is another example of his asceticism: He decided to be above the need for sleep, and he claimed that he did not go under a roof for twenty days in order to conquer sleep. He was burned by the heat of the sun and was drawn up with cold at night. And he also said: “If I had not gone into the house and obtained the advantage of some sleep, my brain would have shriveled up for good. I conquered to the extent I was able, but I gave in to the extent my nature required sleep.”

Early one morning when he was sitting in his cell a gnat stung him on the foot. Feeling the pain, he killed it with his hands, and it was gorged with his blood. He accused himself of acting out of revenge and he condemned himself to sit naked in the marsh of Scete out in the great desert for a period of six months. Here the mosquitos lacerate even the hides of the wild swine just as wasps do. Soon he was bitten all over his body, and he became so swollen that some thought he had elephantiasis. When he returned to his cell after six months he was recognized as Macarius only by his voice.

To attain perfection meant forsaking every evidence of creatureliness, every element of bodily desires and needs, and becoming pure spirit in a virtually dead flesh.” (pp. 3-4)

But lest we think that this view of Christianity only plagued the ancients, let’s listen to a more up-to-date illustration. Michael Wigglesworth was a Puritan pastor (b. 1638-d.1705) who gave Puritans a bad name. Puritans, the Victorian era, etc., all seem to have received bad press nowadays—as though they were all up-tight, prudish, stick-in-the-mud, killjoys. This was certainly true of Wigglesworth, but hardly of the normal Puritan. Here’s just a few examples of his lifestyle:

“He . . . saw himself as guilty for lacking the Biblical attitude toward his parents [i.e., he had very little affection for them], and yet guilty for considering the creature at all. His blend of neoplatonism and Christianity ensured his guilt at all times.” (p. 39)

In other words, since the Bible teaches that children are to honor and respect their parents—and care for them in their old age—Wigglesworth condemned himself for failing to live up to this standard. On the other hand, as a neoplatonist, he felt that any consideration of fellow human beings was a sign of weakness, of giving in to his emotions, etc.: consequently, he felt guilty for even his dismal spark of feeling toward his parents.

“Like every neoplatonist, his world is egocentric; to rise above egocentricity to consider other people and to love them is to lose sight of God, in Wigglesworth’s eyes.” (p. 41) In a very real sense, neoplatonism has spawned narcissism and the ‘me-generation.’

“He enjoyed bad health; it was a way of denying the body; he enjoyed guilt, because it was a way of proving his dislike for the things of this world and his ‘sensitivity’ to their false claims. His ‘spiritual’ sensitivity rested, however, on a false premise which made him a moral monster” (italics added). (p.43)

Wigglesworth was a pretty fair poet in his day, though his poems were gloomy, reflecting his brand of ‘Christianity.’ Rushdoony tells us that:

“He also wrote, in ‘Vanity of Vanities,’ ‘what is Pleasure but the Devil’s bait?’ Beauty, friends, riches, all ‘draw men’s Souls into Perdition.’” (p. 48)

“Thus, as a good neoplatonist, he could write also a poem on ‘Death Expected and Welcomed.’ There was nothing in life that Wigglesworth enjoyed, or if he did, that he did not feel guilty about. He included also ‘A Farewell to the World,’ of which he said that it ‘is not my Treasure.’ Although he looked forward to the resurrection body, he had no good word for his present body, on which he heaped every kind of insult:

Farewell, vile Body, subject to decay,
Which art with lingering sickness worn away;
I have by thee much Pain and Smart endur’d;
Great Grief of Mind has thou to me procur’d;
Great Grief of Mind by being Impotent,
And to Christ’s Work an awkward Instrument.
Thou shalt not henceforth be a clog to me,
Nor shall my Soul a Burthen be to thee.

This is good neoplatonic dualism. It is alien to Biblical faith.” (p. 48)

This syncretistic blending of neoplatonism with Christianity plagues us to the present day. Two illustrations will suffice. (1) James Michener’s dislike of Christians is obvious in his book, Hawaii. The missionary (played by Max von Sidow in the movie) in the name of God promotes neoplatonism. It is quite unfortunate that, as much of a caricature as this portrait is, there is still an element of truth in it: neoplatonism has infected Christianity to the present day.

(2) Sex is often considered dirty by Christians. Several years ago when I worked in a machine shop I worked beside a man whose son was to be married soon. The young man and his bride-to-be were good Presbyterians and were going to get married in the church. The day before the wedding, this fellow lathe-operator told me that the wedding was off. I inquired why. He told me that the girl had just the night before announced that they were not going to have sex on the honeymoon. She intended to have sex only three times because she wanted to have only three children! Not only did she have a lot to learn about sex, but she had a lot to learn about the biblical view of sex!

All of us know of Christians who have tended toward a neoplatonic world-view. What I ask is that if you are a Christian, consider how it has infected your view of life. If you are not a Christian, listen further to what biblical Christianity is all about.

However, let’s put the shoe on the other foot. Neoplatonism has plagued western civilization in toto. It is, in fact, at the root of much drug abuse, the hippie movement, and radical feminism—as well as chauvinism. Listen again to Rushdoony:

On hippies (the book was written in 1973):

“This attitude is very much like that of the modern hippy, who despises the flesh and shows contempt for the body and its dress. The hippy, in his sexuality, expresses contempt for the body, either by treating sexual acts as of no account in casual promiscuity, or by a bored denial of sex. There is far more abstention from sex among hippies than is generally recognized. Either in abstention or in casual, unemotional promiscuity, it is a contempt of the flesh which is manifested. Dirty bodies and dirty clothing are other means of manifesting the same faith.” (p. 5)

On radical chauvinism (p. 11):

“The gospel of Sir Thomas More was his Utopia, wherein man’s mind imposed its idea on all of the world of matter. For More, wives were to be selected after being inspected naked; their minds were not important enough to count. So unimportant was matter or particularity, so little was it the world of the spirit, that wives were to be chosen without regard to the unity of mind and matter, naked on inspection like cattle.”

At least More was consistent—he practiced what he preached. When his daughters were old enough to be married, he herded them onto a platform, stripped them down before their courtiers, and married them off!

On inverted neoplatonism (p. 12):

“Inverted neoplatonism glorified nature and therefore women. The troubadors of medieval and Renaissance Europe downgraded love in marriage, because it belonged to the world of grace, which they identified as the platonic world of spirit. Adultery, on the other hand, belonged to the world of nature. The wife was thus a low creature, and the illicit lover a queen of love. As Valency noted, in writing of such adulterous love, ‘However illicit it might be from the point of view of religion and society, it had the sanction of nature; as matters stood it was grounded on firmer stuff than the marriage bond.’ ‘The sanction of nature,’ this is the key. Two worlds exist for neoplatonism, as for all dialecticism; they are alien to one another, so that, however much they exist as one, the world of matter and spirit, nature and grace, or nature and freedom, are somehow at odds with one another. If one is favored, the other must suffer. If the sanction of nature, illicit love, is exalted, the sanction of grace, lawful marriage, must be downgraded, because it is in principle unnatural for love and marriage, nature and grace, to be compatible.”

This inverted neoplatonism has reared its ugly head again in the 1960’s. One of the reasons it has done so, I’m afraid, is that the antithesis, neoplatonic morality, denied the goodness and joy of sex.

This inverted neoplatonism “is reflected in Demosthenes’ speech against Neaera, when he pointed out that ‘The hetaerae [prostitutes] are for our amusement, our slave women are for our daily personal service, and our wives are to bear us children and manage our household.’” (p. 25)

This produced something of a schizophrenic psychology, for one constantly saw a battle within himself between mind and body. “. . . some philosophers resolved the schizophrenic psychology in favor of the body, and hence concupiscence. Aristoxenus reflected this opinion:

Nature demands that we make lust the zenith of life. The greatest possible increase of sexual feeling should be every human being’s goal. To suppress the claims of the flesh is neither reason nor happiness; to do so is to be proved ignorant of the demands of human nature.

The Cynics in particular were intellectual champions of this position. “In every case, the warfare of body and mind was assumed; this conflict was in essence a metaphysical, not an ethical or moral conflict.” (p. 27)

“Modern man has not escaped the dilemma of Greek psychology. Some have chosen to ‘solve’ the problem by denying the body, as witness Christian Science, and others have denied the soul, as witness the Behaviorists. These ‘solutions’ are metaphysical, not moral. They leave only a fragmented man, as in the last days of the Greco-Roman world. The same is true of those who seek in the drug experience a flight from the world of the senses into the supposed timelessness and oneness of the world of the soul.” (p. 31)

Finally, neoplatonism has infected radical feminism:

“Much of what has been condemned as a product of Catholic and Protestant teaching has been the continuing influence of neoplatonism and best exemplified in its original form among Greeks and Romans.

“Neoplatonism was very powerful in the feminist movement of the 19th and 20th centuries. Now, however, the roles were reversed. Woman was seen as pure and spiritual, and man as coarse and material. Women, it was thus held, are more ‘spiritual’ and therefore superior beings. . . . Virginia Leblick in The New Era: Woman’s Era; or Transformation from Barbaric to Humane Civilization (1910) said that the lowest prostitute was better than the best of men.” (p. 65)

We can now illustrate the ‘descent of neoplatonism’ this way:

Summary

1. Neoplatonism sets up a false antithesis between body and soul. It forces one to make a choice (which one do you say ‘sick’em’ to?), when the biblical picture of the relationship of the material to the immaterial part of man is quite different. The apostle Paul says, for example, “Husbands, love your wives as your own body, for your wife is a member of your body. Now no man ever hated his own body, but he nourishes it and takes care of it” (Eph 5:28-29). If Paul had written this after the era of Michael Wigglesworth, he would have written, “No sane man ever hated his own body”!

2. As Rushdoony points out, this false antithesis is due to the fact that people have rejected the real antithesis, the one between God and man:

“For Scripture, however, there is no such dialectical tension. The warfare is not between matter and spirit, nature and grace, or nature and freedom, but between sinful man and God. Man by his sin has declared war on God, and as a result is in a state of tension and warfare because of sin, not because of a dual nature. Man’s problem is moral and ethical, not metaphysical. Neoplatonism not only misrepresents the problem man faces, but, by making it metaphysical, makes it necessary to truncate or castrate man of a basic aspect of his being before he can be delivered.” (p. 12)

In other words, each man is in a battle, yes. But the battle is not within himself, but between himself and God. The Bible says that “God commended his own love toward us in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us” (Rom 5:8). That is, we are antagonistic toward God, but he has extended his love toward us. One of the curious things about neoplatonism is that it is universal. It is not found only in the west. In fact, the Greeks took some measure of satisfaction in noting that in India they could find ascetic parallels to their own philosophy. Rather than confirm the truth of neoplatonism, this confirms the direction in which all men travel when they reject the battle as having a vertical dimension. If God is left out of the picture, since all people sense a struggle, the only logical choice is a dialectical struggle within each person (after all, we all struggle with sin when no one else is around, so we can’t blame it on others all the time).

Now the illustration is complete:

Once a person rejects a world-view which sees man in conflict with God—a conflict only overcome through the payment of man’s sins by the death of Christ, the God-man—he virtually must adopt a one-dimensional view of the world. He no longer sees man as having the material and immaterial in partnership (the biblical picture), but instead sees them in conflict. By rejecting faith in God, he now must choose between mind and body, between the Spock syndrome and the Playboy philosophy. Most of us do not make a decisive choice, but instead swing the pendulum, creating fertile soil for schizophrenia.

II. A Biblical View of Sex

As lengthy as the first half of this lecture was, it provides a necessary backdrop for the remainder which, in reality, can be quite brief. All I want to do is touch on the four purposes of sex mentioned in the Bible.

A. Procreation

The Bible is very explicit that procreation, reproduction of the species, is a very important aspect of human sexual relations. It is the most important, in fact (Gen 1:27-27). That is one reason why most Christians believe that abortion is wrong: even when a woman conceives unintentionally, since procreation is so important an aspect of our sex lives, bringing the fetus to term overrides other considerations (not to mention the fact that most Christians also believe that the zygote, at conception, is a living human being). This is also one of the reasons the Bible speaks against homosexuality: by its very nature, homosexuality cannot fulfill the ‘prime directive’ of one’s sex life.

Unfortunately, some have viewed procreation as having exclusive rights on the use of sex (such as the young lady who wanted to have sex with her husband only three times because she only wanted three children).

B. Pleasure (or Recreation)

This might surprise you, but the Bible speaks a great deal about marital sex as a great pleasure. In fact, Paul even commands married couples not to refrain from sexual activity, because their bodies belong to their partner (1 Cor 7:3-5). I have known of couples—Christian couples—who didn’t touch each other for months at a time. This is hardly the biblical view of sex.

Again, Rushdoony makes a corrective about the normal Puritan view of sex when he writes:

“With respect to sex and marriage, the normal Puritan view was a robust and healthy one. The Rev. William Gouge, in Of domesticall duties (London, 1634), used Proverbs 5:18, 19, to express the joy and beauty of marital sex: “Let thy fountain be blessed, and rejoice with the wife of thy youth. Let her be as the loving hind and pleasant roe; let her breasts satisfy thee at all times, and be thou ravished always with her love.” The Puritans often spoke of marital sex as one of the great delights and joys among earthly blessings. Frye tells us that a ‘favorite Biblical passage cited by Puritan churchmen is Genesis XXVI. 8 where it is recorded that “Isaac was sporting with Rebekah his wife.”” (p. 36) The Hebrew word for ‘sporting’ there does not mean, I assure you, ‘playing checkers’!

There is a text in Deuteronomy which says that a young man should take a year off from war, once he gets married, ‘to cheer up his wife.’ Although the text does not say that the first year of marriage should be one long honeymoon, it does indicate the tremendous importance of the marriage in general and the wife in particular. And the Hebrew word for ‘cheer up’ really involves a profound sense of intimacy: find out what pleases the wife in every way possible.

There are many other passages which speak of pleasure in marriage. Most are ‘R rated’, however! The Song of Solomon extolls the joy of sexual pleasure within the bonds of marriage. In fact, it is so explicit that the ancient Jews forbade young men from reading the book until they turned 30!

There is an underlying assumption to the view of sexual intercourse as that which is ‘intended for pleasure’ (as Dr. Ed Wheat has dubbed it): If God created sex, and if the Bible tells us that he created it for our pleasure, then he knows how we can get the maximum benefit out of it. The view of God as a cosmic killjoy is quite wrong; for every ‘NO’ there is a ‘YES’!  It is quite true that sex outside of marriage is considered utterly sinful in the Bible. But that is only half the story: within marriage it is profoundly beautiful and utterly good.

As an illustration of this, some time back I read a book called Everything you Wanted to Know about Sex but were Afraid to Ask. In the book the author detailed the how of sex, but not the why. On one page he made the statement that what one can expect in a lifetime of sexual activity is perhaps three or four really good (A+, in the idiom of the university) sexual experiences. (Of course, this is relative: as my brother has said, “when it’s bad, it’s still pretty good; and when it’s good, it’s great!”) Nevertheless, I was a bit depressed by the statement. When one focuses only on the mechanics of sex—viewing people in a one-dimensional way—I suspect that only three or four superb experiences are all one can hope for. I can testify, however, that in my thirteen+ years1 of marriage, in which a lifelong commitment to each other stands at the foundation of such a relationship, my wife and I are enjoying one another sexually better now by far than when we were first married. What we thought was wonderful on our wedding night doesn’t hold a candle to what we are experiencing now. (Incidentally, someone asked me why we didn’t get bored with each other after that much time together. The answer is simply that sex for us is not simply the joining of two bodies, but the uniting of two persons. And we are changing and growing constantly as persons. There is a great deal of diversity, of variety, within the unity of marriage when two people are committed to each other as whole people.)

C. Intimacy and Unification

Monogamy and commitment to one person “till death do us part” are the only things that can produce the deepest intimacy. And intimacy, I believe, is what people are really after when they go after sexual experiences.

Genesis 2 says: “they were naked and were not ashamed.” Emotional and physical vulnerability between a man and woman can only take place without fear at the level of the deepest commitment.

It is quite the opposite with one-night stands or casual sex. Repeated violations of the monogamous ideal can only produce emotional sterility. A good example of this is the prostitute: although she would like to think that sex is merely the joining of flesh—something which she can divorce from her emotions—by her attempt to keep her emotions out of it, she becomes hardened, cynical. Ultimately, she is incapable of love.

The Greeks had three or four different words for love. Agape, which is love as commitment (and can extend toward those who even return hate) is the broadest kind of love. The cognate verb, agapao, is used in John 3:16: “For God so loved the world that he gave his only Son, that every one who believes in him will not perish but will have eternal life.” Also Romans 5:8: “God commended his own love toward us in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us.” At root, it is volitional.

The second kind of love is called phileo. This is love which is reciprocated. It is love between friends. Hence, it is narrower in scope. It involves the emotions.

The third kind of love is eros (from which we get ‘erotic love’). It is intended by God to be displayed for one other person. Hence, it is the narrowest love of all. At root, it is physical.

All this can be illustrated as follows:

In any relationship, agape should always take the lead. In a marriage this is expressed in the vow, “till death do us part.” Many marriage vows express something of a phileo-eros sentiment only: “as long as love shall last.” When eros leads, there is no control, no steady course through the hard times. The relationship depends on whim.

Another way to look at sex within a Christian marriage is the following:

The Bible does recognize that man is composed of the material and immaterial—but that is where the similarity with neoplatonism ends. When both are placed in partnership under the will—and the will under God—harmony results. Only when we make a choice between body and mind do we have chaos.

D. Demonstration

Finally, in the biblical view of sex, the marriage relationship is also intended to be a demonstration of God’s love for his people. In John 13:34-35 Jesus told his disciples that their love for each other would be a demonstration of God’s love. Paul makes a specific application of this principle: “Husbands, love your wives even as Christ loved the church and gave himself up for her.” The point is that the bond between a man and a woman is intended to mirror the bond between Christ and the Church.

There is a distinct side benefit to all this: a truly Christian marriage is inherently stronger than a non-Christian marriage. The reason is that a Christian marriage always has a reference point greater than oneself. In a marriage which keeps God out of the picture, if one person decides to peel out of the relationship, the other person only has himself/herself as ‘leverage.’ But in a Christian marriage, both people have already made a prior commitment to Jesus Christ. The Bible speaks of this commitment as eternal, while the marriage-bond is only bound to this life. Consequently, there is a double commitment involved—and much more at stake. If a spouse wants to forsake the marriage, he or she is also disobeying his or her Lord. On the other hand, as both husband and wife grow in their relationship to Jesus Christ, they also grow in their relationship to one another.

Diagrammed, the relationship looks like this:

You can see why I cannot speak plainly and fully about commitment in marriage without saying something about commitment to Jesus Christ: a biblical view of sex demands nothing less.


1 Keep in mind that this lecture was originally given in 1987; a few more years can now be added to this line!

Related Topics: Christian Home

Sharp Redivivus? - A Reexamination of the Granville Sharp Rule

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Outline

I. Granville Sharp and his Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article

A. Sharp’s Rule

B. Nearly Two Centuries of Abuse

II. Linguistic-Phenomenological Analysis

A. The Nature of the Construction in General

B. The Construction Involving Personal, Singular, Non-Proper Substantives

1. A Proper Semantic Grid

2. The Empirical Data

a. The Phenomena in the NT

b. The Phenomena in Extra-NT Greek Literature

Classical Usage

Usage in the Non-Literary Papyri

Exceptions to the Rule Outside the NT

C. Summary

III. The Christologically Significant Texts

A. Sharp’s Application to Christologically Significant Texts

B. Extra-Syntactical Confirmation

1. Patristic Usage of Christological Texts

2. Θεὸς Σωτήρ in the Milieu of the First Century

C. Arguments against the Application of the Rule to the Christologically Significant Texts

1. General Syntactical Considerations

2. Text-Specific and Theological Considerations

a. Θεός as a Proper Name

b. Titus 2:13

c.  Second Peter 1:1

3. Patristic Exceptions

IV. Conclusion


Few today would take issue with Rudolf Bultmann’s oft-quoted line that “In describing Christ as ‘God’ the New Testament still exercises great restraint.”2  The list of passages which seem explicitly to identify Christ with God varies from scholar to scholar, but the number is almost never more than a half dozen or so.3  As is well known, almost all of the texts are disputed as to their affirmation—due to textual or grammatical glitches—John 1:1 and 20:28 being the only two which are usually conceded without discussion.4  Among the more highly regarded passages are Rom 9:5; 2 Thess 1:12; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; and 2 Pet 1:1.

Remarkably, three of these seven involve the construction article-noun-καί-noun (TSKS [“‘the’-substantive-καί-substantive”]) in the very assertion itself (2 Thess 1:12; Titus 2:13; 2 Pet 1:1).  Occasionally, Acts 20:28; Gal 2:20; Eph 5:5; Col 2:2; 1 John 5:20; and Jude 4 are also listed as explicit texts—and these, too, involve the same syntactical form.5  This is where Granville Sharp enters the picture.  Sharp developed a grammatical principle in which he discussed the semantics of this very construction.  He then applied his “rule” to several christologically significant texts and argued that the construction could only be interpreted as affirming the deity of Christ.

But Sharp’s rule has been almost totally neglected, discounted, or misapplied in recent discussions on these passages. In light of this, our purpose in this essay is threefold: (1) to give a brief historical sketch of the articulation and discussion of Sharp’s canon, from Sharp to the present day; (2) to test the validity of Sharp’s rule against the data, both within the NT and elsewhere; and (3) to reassess the application of the rule to two christologically significant texts.

I. Granville Sharp and His 
Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article

A. Sharp’s Rule

In 1798 Granville Sharp published a monograph entitled, Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament: Containing many New Proofs of the Divinity of Christ, from Passages which are wrongly Translated in the Common English Version6—a work which was to play the major role in applying TSKS to the christologically significant passages.  The slender volume (which, when originally published, contained less than sixty pages) had actually been written twenty years earlier,7 but remained dormant until a friend and scholar urged Sharp to get it into print.8  Most likely an outgrowth of his extensive treatise on the Trinity published in 1777,9 this little book was destined to become the center of a linguistic and theological storm and the only piece in biblical studies for which Sharp is remembered.

The Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article went through four editions in ten years.10  What may be of interest to note here is that the second and subsequent editions include excerpts from a lengthy rebuttal of Sharp’s Remarks by one pseudonymously named Gregory Blunt.11  The pun was not missed by Sharp: his last edition (1807) adds a twenty-six page preface (ix-xxxiv) in which he interacts with Blunt.  Several exchanges were more rhetorical than substantive, dealing with the word-play between the two surnames.

In this work Sharp articulated six principles of syntax involving the Greek article, though what has commonly become known as “Sharp’s rule” is the first of these.  It is the only rule which directly impacts the christologically significant passages and hence, “it is of much more consequence than the rest . . .”12  As the weapon by which Sharp made his theological jabs against Socinians, it is this rule which has been largely debated, misunderstood, and abused.  Sharp’s expanded definition of it is as follows.

When the copulative και connects two nouns of the same case, [viz. nouns (either substantive or adjective, or participles) of personal description, respecting office, dignity, affinity, or connexion, and attributes, properties, or qualities, good or ill], if the article , or any of its cases, precedes the first of the said nouns or participles, and is not repeated before the second noun or participle, the latter always relates to the same person that is expressed or described by the first noun or participle: i.e. it denotes a farther description of the first-named person . . . .13

In the statement of this rule, Sharp only discussed substantives (i.e., nouns, substantival adjectives, substantival participles) of personal description, not those which referred to things, and only in the singular, not the plural.  But whether he intended the rule to apply to impersonal nouns and/or plurals can hardly be determined from this definition.  As well, he did not clearly exclude proper names from the rule’s application.  However, a perusal of his monograph reveals that he felt the rule could be applied absolutely only to personal, singular, non-proper nouns.  For example, two pages later he points out that “there is no exception or instance of the like mode of expression, that I know of, which necessarily requires a construction different from what is here laid down, EXCEPT the nouns be proper names, or in the plural number; in which case there are many exceptions . . . .”14  Later on he explicitly states that impersonal constructions are within the purview of his second, third, fifth, and sixth rules, but not the first.15  In an appendix Sharp chastises Blunt for bringing in impersonal constructions as exceptions to the rule.16

In other words, in the construction article-noun-καί-noun, Sharp delineated four requirements which he felt needed to be met if the two nouns were necessarily to be seen as having the same referent:17 both nouns must be (1) personal—i.e., they must refer to a person, not a thing; (2) common epithets—i.e., not proper names; (3) in the same case;18 and (4) singular in number.19  The significance of these requirements can hardly be overestimated, for those who have misunderstood Sharp’s rule have done so almost without exception because they were unaware of the restrictions that Sharp set forth.20

The rationale for such strictures will be discussed later; suffice it to say here that a proper articulation of Sharp’s rule includes them.  The rule may or may not be valid, but any accurate representation of it must include these criteria.

The bulk of Sharp’s Remarks was a discussion of eight christologically significant texts (Acts 20:28; Eph 5:5; 2 Thess 1:12; 1 Tim 5:21; 2 Tim 4:1; Titus 2:13; 2 Pet 1:1; Jude 4), encompassing more than two-thirds of the body of the work.21  Sharp backed up the validity of his arguments with twenty-five non-christologically-significant examples which he believed were undisputed in their semantic force.22  Included in his disquisition are the following illustrations.23

2 Cor 1:3 (bis) Εὐλογητὸς ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὁ πατὴρ τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν καὶ θεός

2 Cor 11:31 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου  ᾿Ιησοῦ

Eph 6:21 Τυχικὸς ὁ ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφὸς καὶ πιστὸς διάκονος

Phil 4:20 τῷ δὲ θεῷ καὶ πατρὶ ἡμῶν ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων

Heb 3:1 τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦν

Jas 3:9 ἐν αὐτῇ εὐλογοῦμεν τὸν κύριον καὶ πατέρα

2 Pet 2:20 ἐν ἐπιγνώσει τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν καὶ σωτῆρος  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

Rev 16:15 μακάριος ὁ γρηγορῶν καὶ τηρῶν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ

Sharp’s judgment was that in these texts “the sense is so plain that there can be no controversy.”24  As is evident even without a context, his assessment was correct.  None of the rest of Sharp’s examples required any discussion either, as is obvious from the reactions to his work: no one disputed the validity of these examples.  A number of other things were disputed, however, especially the validity of such texts for the christologically pregnant passages.

B. Nearly Two Centuries of Abuse

The reactions to Sharp’s rule over the next two centuries cannot be easily summarized.  Due to time constraints, our discussion will necessarily be truncated.25  There are relatively few major players in this debate, and the one who said the least made the greatest impact.  But suffice it to say here that not one of Sharp’s critics ever demonstrated an invalid example within the pages of the New Testament. 

Gregory Blunt argued essentially from English grammar.  His principal argument was a tacit syllogism:

Greek and English are identical with respect to the use of the article. 
There are many exceptions to Sharp’s rule in English. 
Therefore, his rule is invalid in Greek.

Blunt thus spent an inordinate amount of time producing English examples (e.g., “the King and Queen”) that seemed to violate the rule.  He held to an explicit connection between Greek and English in terms even of surface structure, making typically prescriptive statements about how the Greek article must behave.26  To such arguments Sharp retorted, “he has not been able to produce against the Rules one single example from the Greek text of the New Testament, (the only true criterion of their truth) . . . .”27 

Calvin Winstanley’s criticisms were taken far more seriously.  He was able to produce four classes of exceptions to Sharp’s rule in Greek literature outside the NT—exceptions that we will address later.28  The second edition of his Vindication of Certain Passages in the Common English Version, published six years after Sharp’s death (1819), constitutes to this day the latest and most complete list of exceptions to Sharp’s rule.  We can enlarge on Winstanley’s list substantially.  However, it is far more difficult to enlarge on the categories of exceptions which he found.  Winstanley is to be regarded as the most formidable adversary of Sharp’s rule, but not the most influential. 

Three years after Winstanley’s book appeared, a volume dedicated to the usage of the Greek article was published.  The Doctrine of the Greek Article Applied to the Criticism and Illustration of the New Testament, written by the first Bishop of Calcutta, Thomas Fanshaw Middleton,29—a work still highly regarded among NT grammarians today30—gave an extensive treatment on the use of the article in classical Greek, followed by hundreds of pages of exegetical discussions of the article in the NT.  Middleton clearly felt the force of Sharp’s rule and lent it credibility from the circle of philology.  He believed that Sharp’s canon was valid both for the NT and classical Greek.  In addition, he clearly understood the restrictions of the rule to personal, singular, non-proper nouns.31

Although Middleton did not answer all of Winstanley’s objections to Sharp’s canon, he did articulate, in great detail, the nature and validity of the rule.  Now one hundred and fifty years old, Middleton’s treatment stands as the last clear statement of Sharp’s rule in any major work.  The question which concerns us now is, How did Sharp’s rule become neglected?

It is always a perilous venture to attempt a historical reconstruction over the demise of anything.  In this instance, however, a suggestion has already been put forth by another, and I find little in his assessment with which I can take issue.  In his essay on “The Greek Article and the Deity of Christ,” A. T. Robertson named Georg Benedict Winer32 as the catalyst behind the neglect of Sharp’s canon in application to christologically significant texts:33

A strange timidity seized some of the translators in the Jerusalem Chamber that is reproduced by the American Committee.  There is no hesitation in translating John i. 1 as the text has it.  Why boggle over 2 Peter i. 1?

The explanation is to be found in Winer’s Grammar (Thayer’s Edition, p. 130; W. F. Moulton’s (p. 162) [sic], where the author seeks by indirection to break the force of Granville Sharp’s rule by saying that in 2 Peter i. 1 “there is not even a pronoun with σωτῆρος.”  That is true, but it is quite beside the point.  There is no pronoun with σωτῆρος in 2 Peter i. 11, precisely the same idiom, where no one doubts the identity of “Lord and Saviour.”  Why refuse to apply the same rule to 2 Peter i. 1, that all admit, Winer included, to be true of 2 Peter i. 11? . . .  The simple truth is that Winer’s anti-Trinitarian prejudice overruled his grammatical rectitude in his remark about 2 Peter i. 1.

. . . It is plain, therefore, that Winer has exerted a pernicious influence, from the grammatical standpoint, on the interpretation of 2 Peter i. 1, and Titus ii. 13.  Scholars who believed in the Deity of Christ have not wished to claim too much and to fly in the face of Winer, the great grammarian, for three generations.34

Winer’s assessment of Titus 2:13 is also worth quoting:

In Tit. ii. 13. . . considerations derived from Paul’s system of doctrine lead me to believe that σωτῆρος is not a second predicate, co-ordinate with θεοῦ. . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

[In n 2 at the bottom of the same page] In the above remarks it was not my intention to deny that, in point of grammar, σωτῆρος ἡμῶν may be regarded as a second predicate, jointly depending on the article τοῦ; but the dogmatic conviction derived from Paul’s writings that this apostle cannot have called Christ the great God induced me to show that there is no grammatical obstacle to our taking the clause καὶ σωτ. . . . Χριστοῦ by itself, as referring to a second subject.35

What is most interesting about Winer’s comments on these two texts is that though he advances no real grammatical arguments, because he was a highly regarded grammarian he was apparently able to cancel out, by the intimidation of his own opinion, the use of Sharp’s rule in these passages.  As we will see, this statement virtually sounded the death knell to Sharp’s principle.  Ironically, what Winstanley could not do in a tightly argued, compact book of fifty-five pages (all in eight-point type), Winer did in a single footnote!

As Robertson pointed out, Winer was the catalyst behind the neglect of Sharp’s rule.  His suggestion can be easily confirmed.  For example, J. H. Moulton is strongly influenced by Winer’s comment on Titus 2:13, reading it as though borne from a sober grammatical judgment.  In his Prolegomena he writes: “We cannot discuss here the problem of Tit 213, for we must, as grammarians, leave the matter open: see WM 162, 156n.”36  Other scholars have followed suit.  Some explicitly cite Winer as their authority for doubting the grammatical perspicuity of the construction;37 others, though not mentioning Winer by name, consider the grammar to be vague.38

Winer’s influence, then, seems sufficiently to account for the neglect of Sharp’s rule in discussions of the christologically significant passages, but what about the abuse of the rule?  Almost without exception, those who seem to be acquainted with Sharp’s canon and agree with its validity misunderstand it and abuse it.  This widespread misunderstanding shows no partiality—grammarians, exegetes, and theologians alike are culpable.  Typically, the rule is usually perceived to extend to plural and impersonal constructions—in spite of the fact that Sharp restricted the rule to personal singular nouns.  What are the reasons for such abuse?  For one thing, as we have seen, the statement of Sharp’s rule is not clear—only an examination of his monograph explicitly reveals his requirement of personal singular nouns.  Secondly, the last clear statement of the limitations of Sharp’s canon in any major work was published over one hundred and fifty years ago—in Thomas Fanshaw Middleton’s Doctrine of the Greek Article.39 

For whatever reason, modern grammarians have perpetuated the ambiguity of the original statement, bypassing Middleton’s clear articulation of the rule altogether.  To take but three examples: A. T. Robertson, in his large grammar, discusses the TSKS construction quite extensively.  We have already seen that he was well acquainted with Sharp’s rule—in fact, he was an adamant defender of its validity.40  However, without interacting with either Sharp or Middleton on the point, he felt that the rule applied to impersonal nouns as well as personal.41  Second, Dana and Mantey—on whose grammar many American students have been weaned—actually reproduce (almost) verbatim Sharp’s rule, but neglect to specify more clearly the limitations.42  And third, in his recent intermediate grammar dedicated to the memory of Granville Sharp, Stanley Porter states, “Unfortunately, this rule has been widely misunderstood.”43  But Porter both misstates the rule (ignoring the restriction to personal substantives) and, consequently, applies Sharp's canon to an impersonal construction (τὸ πλάτος καὶ μῆκος καὶ ὕψος καὶ βάθος in Eph 3:18).44  Robertson, Dana and Mantey, and Porter are simply the tip of the iceberg of grammarians’ misunderstanding of Sharp’s canon.45

The reason, therefore, for the abuse of the rule seems to be that few have taken the time to read Sharp’s Remarks or Middleton’s Doctrine of the Greek Article—in spite of the fact that “Sharp’s rule” is still, here and there, mentioned with approbation.  And the reason that few have actually read Sharp or Middleton,46 it seems, is either inaccessibility or the natural tendency in biblical studies to think that only the most recent literature makes much of a contribution.47

The upshot of the present-day imprecise knowledge of Sharp’s limitations is that those who invoke his canon on behalf of the argument for Christ’s deity in Titus 2:13, etc., since they include plurals and impersonals in the rule, are unable to regard the rule as absolute.  Since these same scholars find exceptions to what they perceive to be the rule, they can only regard it as a general principle.  For example, Murray J. Harris, in his otherwise excellent and detailed article, “Titus 2:13 and the Deity of Christ” (in F. F. Bruce’s second Festschrift), makes much of the argument that “two co-ordinate nouns referring to the same person are customarily linked by a single article.”48 Yet he gives in defense of this proposition three proof texts—two of which involve nouns in the plural (which even he concedes do not speak of identity and thus they contradict his version of Sharp’s rule)!49  Harris is hardly alone in his abuse of Sharp’s canon; indeed, he simply follows in a long train of exegetes who have been unaware of the restrictions laid down by Sharp.50

To sum up, the validity of Sharp’s principle was called into question, on theological grounds, by the great grammarian of the nineteenth century, Georg Benedict Winer.  His stature as a grammarian, even though he spoke in this instance outside his realm, has apparently brought about the neglect of the rule in the vast majority of studies of these passages in this century.  Consequently, and certainly related to this, the rule has been abused even by those who agree with its validity,51 because the limitations which Sharp laid down are almost never observed (in large measure because they have not been printed in any major work in the last one hundred and fifty years).52

II. Linguistic-Phenomenological Analysis

A. The Nature of the Construction in General

Homer’s terse caveat, put into the mouth of Laocoon the priest, “Beware of Greeks bearing gifts,” was not meant to apply to the gift of the article.53  For as Chantraine argues, not only was the Greek language transformed when ὁ ἡ τό emerged from its pronominal cocoon and sprouted arthrous wings, but European intellectual life was profoundly ennobled by this gift of clarity bequeathed by Hellas.54  Although one might quibble with Chantraine’s assertion that the article was the greatest linguistic gift that western civilization received from the Greeks, there is no question that it belongs on the short list of prized treasures.  The reason this gift is so exquisite is that the article intrinsically has the ability to conceptualize, for its principal function is not determinative but notional.  Or, as Rosén has put it, the article “has the power of according nominal status to any expression to which it is appended, and, by this token, of conveying the status of a concept to whatever ‘thing’ is denoted by that expression, for the reason that whatever is conceived by the mind—so it would appear—becomes a concept as a result of one’s faculty to call it by a name.”55

To be sure, the Greek article does serve a determining function at times.  But a hierarchy of usage would suggest that determination has a tertiary role: after conceptualization and identification (e.g., as in anaphora) comes determination.  To argue that the article functions primarily to make something definite is to commit the “phenomenological fallacy”—viz. that of making ontological statements based on truncated evidence.56

With reference to the TSKS construction, conceptualization is of foremost importance.57  That is to say, the primary thrust of the article in TSKS is to bring together two substantives into a conceptual unity.  This is true of all such constructions: the single article connotes some sort of unity.  When mere unity is involved, the article serves to bracket the substantives, linking them together into a larger category which is understated by its very implicitness.  The least that can be said is that two (or more) entirely distinct groups are in view.  Thus οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ Σαδδουκαῖοι (e.g., in Matt 16:1) unites two otherwise non-congenial groups to indicate their combined opposition to Jesus.  In Luke 21:12 the disciples are to be handed over “to synagogues and prisons” (παραδιδόντες εἰς τὰς συναγωγὰς καὶ φυλακάς), with the connotation that both locations would be hostile to them.  In Matt 27:56 James and Joseph are united by blood (Μαρία ἡ τοῦ  ᾿Ιακώβου καὶ  ᾿Ιωσὴφ μήτηρ).  In Rev 1:9 the Seer of Patmos has in common with his audience both their present trials and future glory (συγκοινωνὸς ἐν τῇ θλίψει καὶ βασιλείᾳ).  Even when the substantives have an identical referent the notional power of the article is not subdued.  In Heb 12:2, for example, to speak of Jesus as “the founder and perfecter of the faith” (τὸν τῆς πίστεως ἀρχηγὸν καὶ τελειωτήν) is to associate two ideas in a new way which a single noun could not do.58  If one bypasses this fundamental value of the article—a value especially utilized when the article modifies more than a single word59—misunderstanding to the point of reductio ad absurdum frequently results.

Such misunderstandings have permeated the vast bulk of studies of the TSKS construction.  The muddled thinking over the semantics of the TSKS is constantly mired in confusion over three terms: unity, equality, and identity.  But to understand properly these terms, we must first define two others, “sense” and “referent.”  Unless this difference is carefully noted, it will be impossible to assess properly the semantics of the construction.  Sense and referent may be distinguished as follows: “the referent is the extra-linguistic entity about which something is being asserted, while the sense is the linguistic meaning of the assertion itself.”60  In other words, “The sense is what we are saying, the referent what we are saying it about.”61  Thus, for example, in the construction ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ (Eph 1:3), though θεός and πατήρ do not have the same sense, they do have the same referent.  The point of Sharp’s rule is identity of referent, not identity of sense.

When we speak of the semantics of the TSKS we are speaking of the relation of the referents to one another.  Keeping this in mind helps us to avoid the pitfalls of former analyses.  Mere unity of referents would mean that both terms refer to discrete entities yet a larger conceptual unit than either one could express by itself.  Thus, for example, in Acts 17:12 Luke tells of the conversion of “the women . . . and . . . men” (τῶν . . . γυναικῶν . . . καὶ ἀνδρῶν).  A coalition of spiritual experience explains the lone article.  In Eph 3:18 apparently the love of God is being described in figurative language (τὸ πλάτος καὶ μῆκος καὶ ὕψος καὶ βάθος).  Although each term refers to God’s love, each refers to a different aspect of it and thus the referents are not identical.62 

On the other end of the spectrum is identity of referent.  When this is meant, both substantives refer to exactly the same entity.  Thus, for example, in Eph 2:14 Christ is “the one who made both one and who broke down the middle wall of partition” (ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἓν καὶ τὸ μεσότοιχον τοῦ φραγμοῦ λύσας).  In Matt 12:22 (v.l.) it is the same man who is both blind and lame (τὸν τυφλὸν καὶ κωφόν).  In Luke 20:37 there is only one who is God of Abraham and God of Isaac and God of Jacob (τὸν θεὸν  ᾿Αβραὰμ καὶ θεὸν  ᾿Ισαὰκ καὶ θεὸν  ᾿Ιακώβ). 

Equality of referents is not the same as identity.  In most instances it is a subtheme of unity.  Thus, once again, the dimensions in Eph 3:18 (breadth, length, height, depth) are all potentially equal to each other (especially if each is infinite), but are not identical to each other (height does not refer to the same thing as length).  In Matt 16:21 three groups are linked under one article (τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ ἀρχιερέων καὶ γραμματέων) since they were the three distinct parties which comprised the Sanhedrin.63  Some have erroneously insisted this construction fits the Granville Sharp rule because these three groups all refer to the Sanhedrin.  However, to say that A + B + C = D is not the same as saying A = B = C, the latter equation being what the Granville Sharp rule asserts.)  When two discrete entities are united in a TSKS construction, some sort of connotative equality for the purposes at hand can be frequently assumed.    Thus in Matt 27:56  James and Joseph are united as sons of the same mother (Μαρία ἡ τοῦ  ᾿Ιακώβου καὶ  ᾿Ιωσὴφ μήτηρ).  In Acts 13:1 the gifted leaders of the early church are listed under one article (ὅ τε Βαρναβᾶς καὶ Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε ÔΗρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος).64 In the next verse two men, Barnabas and Saul, are set apart by the Holy Spirit for  a special task and are accordingly marked out with a single article (  ᾿Αφορίσατε δή μοι τὸν Βαρναβᾶν καὶ Σαῦλον). 

We can see then that the essential value of the TSKS construction involves unity.  Whether more than that can be said for the personal singular construction now needs to be explored.

B. The Construction Involving Personal, Singular, Non-Proper Substantives

In order to evaluate properly the validity of Sharp’s canon, especially as it relates to christologically significant passages, several questions need to be addressed: Why the limitations to personal, singular, non-proper substantives?  What do those constructions which do not fit these requirements indicate?  Is Sharp’s rule valid within the NT?  Do all the christologically significant texts fit the restrictions Sharp laid down?  Is the principle valid outside the NT?  And, finally, what arguments, as well as exceptions, can be advanced against Sharp’s rule—and do these overturn the rule as it relates to the christologically significant texts?

As we saw earlier, the major battle lines over Sharp’s rule were theological, syntactical, and linguistic.  Theologically, opponents of Sharp’s canon felt that the rule was not applicable to the christologically pregnant passages.  An examination of such texts and the validity of Sharp’s canon for them will be taken up in the next section.  Syntactically, Calvin Winstanley in particular brought forth TSKS constructions outside the NT which fit the requirements of Sharp’s principle but did not bear the same semantics.  These, too, will be examined in the next section as they are most relevant for the christologically significant texts.  Linguistically, several arguments were marshaled against the restrictions Sharp laid down (viz. that the substantives had to be singular, personal, and not proper names if they were necessarily to have the same referent).  The linguistic issue will be taken up here as it affects the question of whether such restrictions are merely a posteriori descriptions of NT usage—and thus perhaps coincidental phenomenological descriptions—or valid ontological principles which have applicability to a wide range of Greek literature.

1. A Proper Semantic Grid. 

Both the linguistic and phenomenological evidence which follows suggests that Sharp and Middleton were on the right track.  As we noted earlier, T. F. Middleton, the first Greek grammarian to affirm the validity of Sharp’s rule, attempted to give the rationale behind the limitations which Sharp had laid down.  He argued:

We are, therefore, to inquire what there is inherent in the excluded Nouns to cause so remarkable a difference. . . .

. . . [Regarding impersonal nouns,] distinct real essences cannot be conceived to belong to the same thing; nor can distinct nominal essences, without manifest contradiction, be affirmed of it.  Essence is single, peculiar, and incommunicable . . .65

The reason why proper names are excepted is evident at once: for it is impossible that John and Thomas, the names of two distinct persons, should be predicated of an individual.66 

He further points out that an impersonal object can, of course, be described by two or more substantives, but that such is extremely rare.  In a lengthy footnote he reasons that

Nouns expressive of inanimate substances seem to have this difference, that though they have attributes (and we have no idea of any thing which has not) yet those attributes, from their inertness and quiescence, make so little impression on the observer, that he does not commonly abstract them from his idea of the substance, and still less does he lose sight of the substance, and use its name as expressive of the attribute.  Add to this, that to characterize persons by the names of things would be violent and unnatural, especially when two or more things wholly different in their natures are to be associated for the purpose: and to characterize any thing by the names of other things would be “confusion worse confounded.”67

Middleton distinguishes between substances and abstract ideas, though he argues that abstract ideas are also excluded from the rule for reasons similar to those related to proper names.68  He concludes his discussion of impersonal nouns and proper names by stating that “Thus far it appears, then, that the limitations of the rule are not arbitrary, but necessary, and that the several kinds of excluded Nouns have one disqualifying property belonging to them all; which is, that no two of any class are in their nature predicable of the same individual    . . .”69

Regarding plural substantives Middleton concludes that plurals may, at times, fit the rule (contrary to impersonal nouns and proper names), but that there will also be many exceptions:

. . . what reason can be alleged, why the practice in Plural Attributives should differ from that in Singular ones?  The circumstances are evidently dissimilar.  A single individual may stand in various relations and act in divers capacities. . . But this does not happen in the same degree with respect to Plurals.  Though one individual may act, and frequently does act, in several capacities, it is not likely that a multitude of individuals should all of them act in the same several capacities. . .70

From a modern linguistic perspective, Middleton’s general instincts are surely correct.  He has understood intuitively the distinction between sense and referent, as well as between denotative and connotative meaning.  Denotation is distinguished from connotation in that “Denotation is the term used for the relationship which exists between words and the corresponding entities in the world . . . ,”71 while connotation “move[s] away from objectivity to subjectivity,”72  and is “the suggestion of a meaning apart from the thing it explicitly names or describes.”73 

When one begins to think in such categories, he or she notices that “strictly speaking, a proper name is a word with denotation but no connotation, reference but no sense . . .”74  Hence, two proper names in the TSKS construction could not fit the Granville Sharp rule for proper names are used merely to identify (and therefore distinguish), not describe,75 while common personal nouns both identify and describe.76  The only conceivable exception to this would be something like “the Simon and Peter” in which both names would refer to one individual.  Such an expression, however, would seem to be just as awkward in Greek (it never occurs in the NT) as it is in English (cf., e.g., Σαῦλος . . . ὁ καὶ Παῦλος [Acts 13:9], which is the normal way for joining two proper names that have the same referent).  There is a further issue with proper names which at least deserves mention here: How can one tell whether a name is proper?  Words such as θεός and σωτήρ were frequently asserted to be proper names or at least quasi-proper names by Sharp’s adversaries.  In this way they were able to deny such passages as Titus 2:13 and 2 Peter 1:1 as fitting Sharp’s requirements.  Suffice it to say here that we do not regard such words as proper names; a defense of this view will come in a later section.

With reference to impersonal nouns, a similar pattern emerges: most impersonal nouns, by themselves (i.e., without adjuncts), have zero or minimal connotative value.  They generally have an obvious referential meaning, just as proper names do.  In such cases, two impersonal nouns in the TSKS construction would not be expected to have an identical referent.  For example, in 2 Cor 6:7 the apostle speaks of the weapons of righteousness to be utilized by the right hand and the left (διὰ τῶν ὅπλων τῆς δικαιοσύνης τῶν δεξιῶν καὶ ἀριστερῶν).  Although the two are closely connected, they obviously do not have the same referent.  Nevertheless, impersonal nouns may differ from proper names: (1) when the terms used are abstract (and therefore do not refer to particular entities)—such as “truth” or “authority”; (2) when two (roughly) synonymous terms stand in apposition (e.g., “Larus argentatus, that is, herring gull”), though such constructions would most naturally drop the connective; or (3) when there is referential overlap of some sort (e.g., “furniture and tables and chairs”), though this would most naturally occur only in plural constructions.  In these three instances, impersonal nouns are still not similar to the personal singular nouns which fit Sharp’s canon.  For example, when Paul speaks of Epaphroditus as “my brother and fellow-worker” (τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργόν) in Phil 2:25, “brother” is not synonymous with “fellow-worker,” though both terms have the same referent.  Unlike impersonal concrete nouns, it is inconceivable that one person could “overlap” with another—two personal singular terms can only refer either to two distinct individuals or to the same individual.  Further, unlike abstract nouns, “brother” refers to a particular object.  Impersonal nouns are seen, then, to be semantically similar to proper names in terms of denotation and referential meaning; and when they occasionally depart from this pattern they do not normally move closer to personal common nouns in their semantic force.  Hence, although neither Sharp nor Middleton saw impersonal nouns in the TSKS construction as having the same referent, we must admit that this is possible, though more than likely of rather infrequent occurrence and adhering to certain semantic guidelines.

Finally, with reference to plural substantives, since groups rather than individuals are in view, the probability of some sort of referential overlap puts such constructions on a different plane than personal singular nouns.  Nevertheless, as Middleton admits, they could at times have an identical referent.

Antecedently, then, Middleton makes out a solid case on a semantic level for distinguishing personal singular nouns from other kinds of substantives.  Of course, this is merely a negative argument: it says nothing about the necessity of personal singular nouns invariably having an identical referent. 

To sum up: by ruling impersonal, plural, and proper nouns as outside the scope of his principle, Sharp demonstrated an intuitive sensitivity to the semantics of the TSKS construction which has eluded most of his modern-day advocates.  Middleton then gave articulation to Sharp’s intuition.  The reasons for such strictures seem to be inherent within the language itself.  It has to be determined, of course, whether the rule is valid even within such limitations.

2. The Empirical Data

a. The Phenomena in the New Testament

If we exempt the several christologically significant passages from consideration, we can readily see the validity of Sharp’s rule in the NT.  For example, in Eph 1:3 we read of “the God and Father” (ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατήρ); in Jas 3:9  we see “the Lord and Father” (τὸν κύριον καὶ πατέρα); Mark 6:3 refers to Jesus as “the son of Mary and brother of James” (ὁ υἱὸς τῆς Μαρίας καὶ ἀδελφὸς  ᾿Ιακώβου); in Eph 2:14 the author speaks of Christ as “the one who made both [groups] [into] one and who broke down the dividing wall” (ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἓν καὶ τὸ μεσότοιχον τοῦ φραγμοῦ λύσας);77 in Phil 2:25 the apostle mentions “Epaphroditus, my brother and fellow-worker and fellow-soldier” ( ᾿Επαφρόδιτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργὸν καὶ συστρατιώτην μου); Heb 3:1 refers to Jesus as “the apostle and high priest of our confession” (τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦς); in John 9:8 the evangelist records the healing of a blind “man who used to sit and beg” (ὁ καθήμενος καὶ προσαιτῶν); 2 Pet 1:11 promises entrance into the eternal kingdom “of our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ” (ἡ εἴσοδος εἰς τὴν αἰώνιον βασιλείαν τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν καὶ σωτῆρος  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ).  In each of these instances, the obvious sense of the passage is that only one person is in view.  Further, this is so both for nouns,78 participles,79 and adjectives,80 as well as combinations.81  Not only this, but intervening words do not invalidate Sharp’s rule.  In all there are fifty personal singular TSKS constructions which encompass non-constituent elements.82  These alien words ranged from postpositive particles and adjectives, to genitive adjuncts and prepositional phrases, and even embedded verb phrases.  On six occasions a possessive pronoun was found with the first substantive.83

For the sake of completeness, the relevant passages are presented below, according to the type of substantive involved.

Nouns in the TSKS Personal Construction

Mark 6:3 οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τέκτων, ὁ υἱὸς τῆς Μαρίας καὶ ἀδελφὸς  ᾿Ιακώβου

Luke 20:37 τὸν θεὸν  ᾿Αβραὰμ καὶ θεὸν  ᾿Ισαὰκ καὶ θεὸν  ᾿Ιακώβ

John 20:17 τὸν πατέρα μου καὶ πατέρα ὑμῶν καὶ θεόν μου καὶ θεὸν ὑμῶν

Rom 15:6 τὸν θεὸν καὶ πατέρα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

1 Cor 15:24 τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρί

2 Cor 1:3 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

2 Cor 1:3 ὁ πατὴρ τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν καὶ θεὸς πάσης παρακλήσεως

2 Cor 11:31 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου  ᾿Ιησοῦ

Gal 1:4 τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν

Eph 1:3 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

Eph 5:20 τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρί

Eph 6:21 Τυχικὸς ὁ ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφὸς καὶ πιστὸς διάκονος

Phil 4:20 τῷ δὲ θεῷ καὶ πατρὶ ἡμῶν

Col 4:7 Τυχικὸς ὁ ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφὸς καὶ πιστὸς διάκονος καὶ σύνδουλος

1 Thess 1:3 τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν

1 Thess 3:11 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ ἡμῶν

1 Thess 3:13 τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς ἡμῶν

1 Tim 6:15 ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν βασιλευόντων καὶ κύριος τῶν κυριευόντων

Heb 3:1 τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦν

Heb 12:2 τὸν τῆς πίστεως ἀρχηγὸν καὶ τελειωτὴν  ᾿Ιησοῦν

Jas 1:27 τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρί

Jas 3:9 τὸν κύριον καὶ πατέρα

1 Pet 1:3 ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

1 Pet 2:25 τὸν ποιμένα καὶ ἐπίσκοπον τῶν ψυχῶν ὑμῶν

1 Pet 4:18 ὁ ἀσεβὴς καὶ ἁμαρτωλός

1 Pet 5:1 ὁ συμπρεσβύτερος καὶ μάρτυς

2 Pet 1:11 τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν καὶ σωτῆρος  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

2 Pet 2:20 τοῦ κυρίου [ἡμῶν] καὶ σωτῆρος  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

2 Pet 3:2 τοῦ κυρίου καὶ σωτῆρος

2 Pet 3:18 τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν καὶ σωτῆρος  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

Jude 4 τὸν μόνον δεσπότην καὶ κύριον ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦν Χριστόν

Rev 1:6 τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρὶ αὐτοῦ

Rev 1:9 ἐγὼV  ᾿Ιωάννης, ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν καὶ συγκοινωνός

Participles in the TSKS Personal Construction

Matt 7:26 πᾶς ὁ ἀκούων μου τοὺς λόγους τούτους καὶ μὴ ποιῶν αὐτούς

Matt 13:20 οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τὸν λόγον ἀκούων καὶ εὐθὺς μετὰ χαρᾶς λαμβάνων αὐτόν

Matt 27:40 ὁ καταλύων τὸν ναὸν καὶ ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις οἰκοδομῶν

Mark 15:29 ὁ καταλύων τὸν ναὸν καὶ οἰκοδομῶν

Luke 6:47 πᾶς ὁ ἐρχόμενος πρός με καὶ ἀκούων μου τῶν λόγων καὶ ποιῶν αὐτούς

Luke 6:49 ὁ δὲ ἀκούσας καὶ μὴ ποιήσας

Luke 12:21 ὁ θησαυρίζων ἑαυτῷ καὶ μὴ εἰς θεὸν πλουτῶν

Luke 16:18 πᾶς ὁ ἀπολύων τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ γαμῶν ἑτέραν μοιχεύει

John 5:24 ὁ τὸν λόγον μου ἀκούων καὶ πιστεύων

John 6:33 ὁ καταβαίνων ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ ζωὴν διδούς

John 6:40 πᾶς ὁ θεωρῶν τὸν υἱὸν καὶ πιστεύων εἰς αὐτὸν ἔχῃ ζωὴν αἰώνιον

John 6:45 πᾶς ὁ ἀκούσας παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ μαθὼν ἔρχεται πρὸς ἐμέ

John 6:54 ὁ τρώγων μου τὴν σάρκα καὶ πίνων μου τὸ αἷμα

John 6:56 ὁ τρώγων μου τὴν σάρκα καὶ πίνων μου τὸ αἷμα

John 8:50 ὁ ζητῶν καὶ κρίνων

John 9:8 οὐχ οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ καθήμενος καὶ προσαιτῶν…

John 11:2 ἦν δὲ Μαριὰμ ἡ ἀλείψασα τὸν κύριον μύρῳ καὶ ἐκμάξασα τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ

John 11:26 πᾶς ὁ ζῶν καὶ πιστεύων εἰς ἐμέ

John 12:48 ὁ ἀθετῶν ἐμὲ καὶ μὴ λαμβάνων τὰ ῥήματά μου

John 14:21 ὁ ἔχων τὰς ἐντολάς μου καὶ τηρῶν αὐτάς

Acts 10:35 ὁ φοβούμενος αὐτὸν καὶ ἐργαζόμενος δικαιοσύνην δεκτὸς αὐτῷ ἐστιν

Acts 15:38 τὸν ἀποστάντα ἀπ ᾿ αὐτῶν ἀπὸ Παμφυλίας καὶ μὴ συνελθόντα αὐτοῖς

1 Cor 11:29 ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων

1 Cor 16:16 παντὶ τῷ συνεργοῦντι καὶ κοπιῶντι

2 Cor 1:21 ὁ δὲ βεβαιῶν ἡμᾶς σὺν ὑμῖν εἰς Χριστὸν καὶ χρίσας ἡμᾶς θεός

2 Cor 1:22 ὁ καὶ σφραγισάμενος ἡμᾶς καὶ δοὺς τὸν ἀρραβῶνα τοῦ πνεύματος

2 Cor 5:15 τῷ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντι καὶ ἐγερθέντι

Gal 1:15 ὁ ἀφορίσας με ἐκ κοιλίας μητρός μου καὶ καλέσας

Gal 3:5 ὁ οὖν ἐπιχορηγῶν ὑμῖν τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ ἐνεργῶν δυνάμεις ἐν ὑμῖν

Eph 2:14 ὁ ποιήσας τὰ ἀμφότερα ἓν καὶ τὸ μεσότοιχον τοῦ φραγμοῦ λύσας

2 Thess 2:4 ὁ ἀντικείμενος καὶ ὑπεραιρόμενος ἐπὶ πάντα λεγόμενον θεόν

Heb 7:1 ὁ συναντήσας  ᾿Αβραὰμ ὑποστρέφοντι ἀπὸ τῆς κοπῆς τῶν βασιλέων καὶ εὐλογήσας αὐτόν

Jas 1:25 ὁ δὲ παρακύψας εἰς νόμον τέλειον τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ παραμείνας

1 John 2:4 ὁ λέγων ὅτι ςΕγνωκα αὐτόν, καὶ τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ μὴ τηρῶν, ψεύστης ἐστίν

1 John 2:9 ὁ λέγων ἐν τῷ φωτὶ εἶναι καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ μισῶν ἐν τῇ σκοτίᾳ ἐστίν

2 John 9 πᾶς ὁ προάγων καὶ μὴ μένων ἐν τῇ διδαχῇ τοῦ Χριστοῦ θεὸν οὐκ ἔχει

Rev 1:5 τῷ ἀγαπῶντι ἡμᾶς καὶ λύσαντι ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν

Rev 16:15 μακάριος ὁ γρηγορῶν καὶ τηρῶν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ

Rev 22:8 κἀγὼ  ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ ἀκούων καὶ βλέπων ταῦτα

Adjectives in the TSKS Personal Construction

Acts 3:14 ὑμεῖς δὲ τὸν ἅγιον καὶ δίκαιον ἠρνήσασθε

Phlm 1 τῷ ἀγαπητῷ καὶ συνεργῷ ἡμῶν

1 Pet 4:18 ὁ ἀσεβὴς καὶ ἁμαρτωλός

Rev 3:17 σὺ εἶ ὁ ταλαίπωρος καὶ ἐλεεινὸς καὶ πτωχὸς καὶ τυφλὸς καὶ γυμνός

Mixed Elements in the TSKS Personal Construction

Phil 2:25 ᾿Επαφρόδιτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργὸν καὶ συστρατιώτην μου

1 Thess 3:2 Τιμόθεον, τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν καὶ συνεργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ

1 Tim 5:5 ἡ δὲ ὄντως χήρα καὶ μεμονωμένη

The monotonous pattern of personal singular substantives in the TSKS construction indicating an identical referent immediately places such substantives in a different category from proper names, impersonal nouns, or plural nouns.  The statistics accentuate this difference: in this construction there are about a dozen personal proper names in the NT (none having an identical referent); close to fifty impersonal nouns (only one unambiguously having the same referent); more than seventy plural substantives (little more than a third having an identical referent); and eighty TSKS constructions fitting the structural requirements of the rule84 (the christologically significant texts excepted), all of which apparently having an identical referent.  It is evident that Sharp’s limitation to personal singular substantives does indeed have substance; he seems to have articulated a genuine principle of NT grammar.  But is his rule inviolable?  C. Kuehne, in his second article of a seven-part series entitled “The Greek Article and the Doctrine of Christ’s Deity,”85 discusses all the instances in the NT which meet the requirements for the rule.86  He summarizes his findings by stating that “Sharp claimed that his rule applied uniformly to such passages, and I indeed could not find a single exception.”87  Kuehne is not alone in his view of these texts.  None of Sharp’s adversaries was able to produce a single exception to his rule within the pages of the NT.  Calvin Winstanley, Sharp’s most able opponent, conceded that Sharp’s “first rule has a real foundation in the idiom of the language . . .”88  And later, he declares, “Now, Sir, if your rule and principles of criticism must be permitted to close up every other source of illustration, there is an end of all farther enquiry . . .”89—an obvious concession that, apart from the christologically significant texts, Winstanley could produce no exceptions within the NT corpus.  Finally, he admits as much when he writes, “There are, you say, no exceptions, in the New Testament, to your rule; that is, I suppose, unless these particular texts [i.e., the ones Sharp used to adduce Christ’s deity] be such. . . . it is nothing surprising to find all these particular texts in question appearing as exceptions to your rule, and the sole exceptions . . . in the New Testament . . .”90  We must conclude, then, that (suspending judgment on the christologically significant texts) Sharp’s rule is indeed an inviolable canon of NT syntactical usage.91

b. The Phenomena in Extra-NT Greek Literature

Outside of the NT, what confirmation do we have of the validity of Sharp’s canon?  At least four strands of confirmation can be mentioned.  The first two deal with the construction in general; the last two with the expressions found in the christologically significant texts (and will be dealt with in the next section).

Classical Usage. In the debates that raged over the publication of Sharp’s monograph in the first decades of the nineteenth century, many scholars reread the classical Greek authors with an eye toward this particular construction.  None apparently did as thorough a job as Middleton.  In his Doctrine of the Greek Article, he devotes the first 120 pages to showing the usage of the article in classical Greek as an illustration of its use within the NT.92  The rest of his five-hundred-plus page volume is concerned specifically with the NT text which he marches through seriatum—from Matthew through Revelation.  In the NT portion of his work he spends several pages on Sharp’s controversial passages—and affirms the rule in Titus 2:13; 2 Peter 1:1, and Eph 5:593 (in this last text, his affirmation is due more to the use of this text in patristic literature than to Sharp’s canon per se).  In the first part of his work, however, he has dedicated fifteen pages (56-70) of proof in order to demonstrate the validity of the rule in classical Greek.  To illustrate his point, he cites texts from such authors as Plutarch, Demosthenes, Plato, Aeschylus, Herodotus, and Aristophanes.  For example, Plutarch says that “Roscius, the son and heir of the deceased was vexed” ( ῾Ρώσκιος ὁ υἱὸς καὶ κληρονόμονος τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἠγανάκτει);94 Demosthenes speaks of himself as both advisor and orator (ὁ σύμβουλος καὶ ῥήτωρ ἐγώ);95 Aeschylus says that Demosthenes is a “meddler and slanderer” (ὁ περίεργος καὶ συκοφάντης Δημοσθενής).96

To be sure, Middleton does list some exceptions—though he feels that they are all capable of explanation and do not mitigate the rule.  He concludes the discussion by stating,

Having thus investigated the canon, and having explained the ground of its limitations and exceptions, I may be permitted to add, that Mr. Sharp’s application of it to the New Testament is in strict conformity with the usage of Greek writers, and with the Syntax of the Greek Tongue; and that few of the passages [viz., those which appear to involve proper names] which he has corrected in our common version can be defended without doing violence to the obvious and undisputed meaning of the plainest sentences which profane writers supply.97

We will, of course, turn to those exceptions which Middleton listed, but our point here is that he found the rule to be consistently valid for Greek outside the NT.

Other grammarians of classical Greek, who presumably have no acquaintance with Sharp’s rule, nevertheless give something of a subconscious stamp of approval on its validity.  In his section entitled “Repetition and Non-Repetition of the Article,” Gildersleeve98 gives a score of illustrations, all but one of which are other than personal singular constructions.  As in the NT, these form a conceptual unity but do not involve the same referent.99  The lone personal singular construction does not violate the rule.100  Kühner-Gerth preface several illustrations of the TSKS construction by stating that “wenn zwei oder mehr Substantive durch καί oder τε . . καί mit einander verbunden werden, so wird der Artikel entweder bei jedem wiederholt . . . oder er wird nicht wiederholt; alsdann werden die einzelnen Begriffe als zu einer Gesamtvorstellung verbunden betrachtet.”101  In this second category, they give almost two full pages of illustrations, most of which involve plural substantives or impersonal nouns in the TSKS construction and which point to a unity of referents but not an identical referent.102  In addition, they mention examples of the personal singular construction, only one of which is an exception to Sharp’s rule.  Yet, this lone example (found in Herodotus, Histories 4.71) did not escape Middleton’s eye: indeed, he discusses it at length and finds it to be wholly dissimilar to other personal singular constructions.103  Smyth tells us that “a single article, used with the first of two or more nouns connected by and, produces the effect of a single notion . . .”104  None of his examples involve the same referent, but neither are any of them personal and singular.  Schwyzer-Debrunner discuss only impersonal constructions which merely form a Gesamtvorstellung.105

All in all, the discussions of the personal singular constructions are rather thin in the standard classical grammars.  Yet, this is to be expected since they only speak of a conceptual unity, not of a referential identity.106   We defer, then, to Middleton’s judgment concerning the usage in classical Greek, viz., that Sharp’s canon “is in strict conformity with the usage of [classical] Greek writers.”

Usage in the Non-Literary Papyri.  Of course, it will be conceded that Middleton’s research was almost solely shut up to classical Greek.  The question which concerns us here is, If NT grammar is more like that of the non-literary koine documents than the classical authors (an assumption we make for the sake of argument),107 how valid is Sharp’s canon in these vulgar writings?  If it is frequently disregarded, then we might argue that Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 are mere slips of the pen or that they only serve to illustrate that the koine writers were less refined in their use of the article than were the classical authors.

The evidence, however, suggests otherwise.  First, studies on the use of the article in the papyri demonstrate that even in this refined and subtle area of the Greek language, the non-literary writers have a good deal of sophistication.  The very fact that Mayser, for example, can arrange his treatment of the article in the Ptolemaic papyri along traditional lines—and that he constantly cites the standard classical grammars as in agreement with the usage in the papyri—is an implicit argument that these non-literary documents are not haphazard in their use of the article.108  Völker, whose first volume on the papyri is occupied only with the article, makes the point repeatedly that the papyri, even though on a different literary level than Attic Greek, still use the article in substantially the same way.109  And Eakin, in his study of the first four volumes of the Oxyrhynchus papyri, concludes by saying that “Perhaps the most important point which the evidence accumulated tends to enforce is the need of caution in assuming hap-hazard [sic] irregularity in the use of the article by κοινή writers—even those who wrote without a thought of being ‘literary.’”110  Earlier in his essay he argued:

It would be a great mistake, however, to suppose that even such busy, matter-of-fact people as the writers of these non-literary papyri used the article with indifference.  I have noted at least two cases where the article had at first been omitted and later inserted above the line. . . .  In neither of these cases would the omission have been a serious grammatical offence, but evidently the writer considered the matter important enough that a correction should be made.111

Hence, in general, we can say that the use of the article in the papyri conforms pretty much to Attic standards—and yet, it is still below the level achieved in the NT.112

Secondly, and more specifically, is the semantic function of the TSKS construction in the papyri.  The basic database for this paper was the first two volumes of Select Papyri in LCL.113  These volumes were chosen because the documents the editors employ are representative of a broad spectrum of Egyptian papyri—both in age and geography (i.e., Hunt and Edgar do not just include the papyri from Oxyrhynchus).  Scores of examples of the TSKS construction were discovered in these two volumes.  Remarkably, only one possible exception to Sharp’s rule was discovered  in over five hundred pages of Greek text.114  A single referent, as in the NT, is uniformly indicated by the personal singular construction.  For example, P. Grenf. ii. 87. 10-11 speaks of “the . . . elder and . . . flax-worker” (τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ καὶ . . . στιππουργῷ); P. Tebt. 392. 17 refers to one man as “the husband . . . and brother” (ὁ ἀνήρ . . . καὶ ἀδελφός); P. Eleph. 2.13 pronounces judgment against “him who is insubordinate and does not act” (ἐκ τοῦ ἀτακτοῦντος καὶ μὴ ποιοῦντος); in BGU 423.1 a son addresses his father as both “father and lord” (τῶι πατρὶ καὶ κυρίῳ); in P. Oxy. 528.1 a man writes to his “sister and lady” (τῇ ἀδελφῇ καὶ κυρίᾳ); a brother is addressed as “my master and beloved brother” (τῷ δεσπότῃ μου καὶ ἀγαπητῷ ἀδελφῷ) in P. Lond. 417.1;115 in P. Oxy. 925.2-3 a substantival adjective is used in the construction ὁ ἀληθινὸς φιλάνθρωπος καὶ δημιουργός (“the true benevolent one and creator”).116  We might also note that a common refrain, “the eternal Augustus and Imperator” (τοῦ αἰωνίου Αὐγούστου καὶ Αὐτοκράτορος), always involved an identical referent, even though “Augustus” might be labeled a   quasi-proper name.117  However, when a proper name was joined to “Augustus,” two individuals were in view.118 

Altogether there were forty-one constructions which fit the requirements for Sharp’s rule.119 Only one such construction was in apparent violation of Sharp’s canon.  On the other hand, there were scores of TSKS constructions in the papyri which were either plural or impersonal.  In general, they followed the semantic contours laid out by Middleton. 

The papyri were seen, then, to be very much in step with the classical authors and the NT.  Further, when a writer wanted to distinguish individuals—and there were scores of instances in which distinct individuals were in view—he or she invariably used a second article (TSKTS)—except, of course, when a proper name was involved.  In fact, one might be a bit surprised to find in this vulgar Greek even convoluted constructions where the writer still remembered the second article.  For example, in P. Oxy. 494.22-23 we read of “my wife . . . and my son” (ἡ γυνή μου καὶ . . . ὁ υἱός μου), where three words intervene; similarly, P. Giess. 80.3-4: “her papa and . . . the mother” (ὁ πάπας αὐτῆς καὶ . . . ἡ μήτηρ); BGU 1680.4-8 reads “my sister and . . . his wife  . . . and her husband and . . .the son” (τὴν ἀδελφήν μου καὶ . . . τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ . . . καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς καὶ . . . τὸν υἱόν), all clear references to different people.  P. Columb. Inventory 480.2-3 mentions “the farmer of the tax on slaves and the controller” (ὁ πραγματευόμενος τὴν ὠδὴν ἀνδραπόδων καὶ ὁ ἀντιγραφεύς).120

My antecedent presumption was that there would be several exceptions to Sharp’s rule in these two volumes, since the papyri represent the lowest level of hellenistic Greek.  The fact that they too conformed to Sharp’s canon—at least the small amount of papyri I investigated—perhaps shows how deeply imbedded was this idiom in the koine period.

Exceptions to the Rule Outside the New Testament. Finally, we need to look at the potential exceptions to the rule which have been mentioned  over the years.  As we noted earlier, the latest and most complete list of exceptions was compiled by Calvin Winstanley in 1819!  From other sources, as well as my own independent study, we can enlarge on Winstanley’s list substantially.  However, we can just barely enlarge on the categories of exceptions which Winstanley found.  Winstanley was Sharp’s most formidable adversary and, quite frankly, not all of his objections have been adequately answered even to this day.121  This final portion of the section will be an attempt to interact with Winstanley’s exceptions.

Though he lays out the counter-examples in a seemingly random, rapid-fire order, all of Winstanley’s illustrations can be grouped into one of four classes.  First, he gives a dozen or so examples from Aristotle in which the substantives, though singular, are generic: for example, “the disciplined and undisciplined man” (τὸν σώφρονα καὶ ἀκόλαστον).122  I have found several more examples from Aristotle and other classical authors which also involve generic nouns.123  Winstanley grudgingly concedes, “the nouns, though personal, are used in a general or universal sense.  In this respect, it must be confessed, they differ materially from those of which you [i.e., Sharp] would correct the common version; and so far may be thought inapplicable . . .”124  We might, however, in light of Winstanley’s exceptions, modify Sharp’s rule to say both that nouns which are plural syntactically and those which are plural semantically (i.e., generic nouns)125 are not within the purview of the rule.  Another way to put this is that Sharp’s rule applies only to nouns which have an individual referent, as opposed to a class or group.126  On a deep structure level, then, Sharp’s rule has not been subverted by generic singulars.

Secondly, Winstanley cites one clear exception from the LXX overlooked by Sharp: Prov 24:21 reads “fear God, o son, and the king” (φοβοῦ τὸν θεόν, υἱέ, καὶ βασιλέα).  Kuehne argues that the LXX translator here is merely being slavishly faithful to his underlying Hebrew text.127  This is only partially true.  The Hebrew reads ירא־את־יהוה בני ומלךְיהוה lacks the article as always; it needs no article to be considered definite.  This fact, coupled with the presence of the direct object marker—which is used almost exclusively with definite nouns128—renders the noun as virtually the equivalent of an articular noun.  Thus, if יהוה is to be translated with a word other than κύριος, we might well expect the article to be employed.  Indeed, the LXX of Proverbs occasionally translates יהוה with the articular θεός (cf. 3:7, 19; 5:21; 15:29; 19:3) rather than with κύριος, perhaps due to metric considerations. Thus, although יהוה is not arthrous, ὁ θεός fairly represents its syntactical force.  The LXX is not, then, slavishly literal, but may in fact be closer to a dynamic equivalence.129 If so, why then would βασιλέα be anarthrous?  Why would the translator begin with a syntactically equivalent translation (ὁ θεός) and then in midstream change to a formally equivalent one?  Three possible explanations present themselves.  First, consistency is hardly the hallmark of the LXX translators, especially in the later books.  Juggling two dissimilar languages creates special problems.  Not infrequently, translators vacillate between formal fidelity (which creates abnormal grammar in the receptor language) and dynamic equivalence (which poorly reflects on the structure of the original).  When both principles are at work in a given sentence, the results can be erratic.  In this case, the flow of the sentence is disrupted by the vocative.  Having made the choice to translate יהוה with ὁ θεός, the translator may have been distracted by the the vocative immediately following.  To render מלךְ as τὸν βασιλέα would have been an easy oversight.  Had the translator rendered יהוה as κύριον, there would have been no problem leaving βασιλέα anarthrous.  When coupled with the occasional practice of translating יהוה with ὁ θεός, the result seems to be an unintentional violation of normal Greek grammar. 

A second explanation is that the choice may have been conscious.  Since the vocative υἱέ stands between the two accusative nouns, the translator may have felt that the syntactical infraction was insignificant in comparison with retaining the correspondence with the Hebrew.  What renders this at least plausible is the fact that although the TSKS personal singular construction follows Sharp’s rule even when there is interference from a variety of grammatical forms (such as adjectives or possessive pronouns), almost none of the examples in the NT or papyri have an unconnected substantive interfering with the TSKS.  That is to say, the intervening nominals and adnominals in the TSKS construction are almost always syntactically subordinated to the elements in the construction.130  Thus it is distinctly possible that a vocative in the middle of two accusatives would sufficiently disrupt the semantics.  Certainly a vocative is more disruptive than a possessive pronoun precisely because it is not in any way syntactically linked to the substantives in the construction.  However, since we know of no parallel instances, this suggestion must remain speculative.131 

A third possible explanation is that poetic license may have played a role in the syntactical choices.  The LXX translator of the Proverbs is apparently concerned with Greek meter as well as other poetic features.132  The syntax of poetry is known to deviate from that of prose in many and substantial ways.133  Some of these are inexplicable, but nevertheless observed.  In particular, the article is frequently dispensed with for metrical convenience.134

Regarding these possible explanations, it must be admitted that all are somewhat speculative.  On any reckoning, Prov 24:21 must be considered an anomaly and hardly representative of the idiom of koine Greek.  Nevertheless, it does stand as an exception to Sharp’s rule.  Whatever the exact reason for this solecism, it is almost surely tied to the LXX as translation Greek.  Thus, we might modify Sharp’s rule still further by saying that sometimes (once—so far) translation Greek will violate the rule, if the base language has a contrary construction.135  Whether this will have a bearing on the christologically significant texts will be developed in the following section.

Thirdly, Winstanley cites an exception which Middleton had discovered and had quite a bit of difficulty with.  In Herodotus’ Histories 4.71 we read of “the cup-bearer and cook and groom and servant and messenger” (τὸν οἰνοχόον καὶ μάγειρον καὶ ἱπποκόμον καὶ διήκονον καὶ ἀγγελιηφόρον).  Middleton felt it was impossible that this could refer to one person.  In a sense, he equivocated on the text, for he mentioned that he had not had a chance to look at a good edition of Herodotus to see if such was really the reading.  I have—and it is.136  Further, Middleton argued that this was the only instance he had found anywhere in Greek in which one article preceded several nouns of personal description.137  Clearly, he had a problem with this text.  Yet,  elsewhere in his grammar, Middleton dealt with the phenomenon of “enumeration”—i.e., instances in which three or more nouns are strung together.  And in that section Middleton noted that even the best authors did not follow their normal practice with reference to the article.138  Other grammarians also point out the problem of enumeration, noting, in effect, that in lists of three or more terms, there is a greater tendency to omit the article when it would otherwise be appropriate.139 

A linguistic reason can be given for this phenomenon as well.  When TSKS fits the rule, the second substantive either further identifies or describes or clarifies something about the first.  If so, then typically a third epithet would be superfluous.140  Unless there are special contextual reasons for the third being there—in particular, to stress the multi-functional character of the person in view, we might in fact normally expect enumerations to indicate more than one individual.  Philippians 2:25 affords an excellent illustration of such multi-functional emphasis: ᾿Επαφρόδιτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ συνεργὸν καὶ συστρατιώτην μου, ὑμῶν δὲ ἀπόστολον καὶ λειτουργὸν τῆς χρείας μου.  The five-fold accolade of Epaphroditus141 by the apostle bears an implicitly apologetic tone.  The church at Philippi had sent Epaphroditus, hoping that Paul would retain him as his assistant and send Timothy back to them (Phil. 2:19-30).  Paul, however, was unwilling to send Timothy until he found out more about his own circumstances.  Instead, he decided to send Epaphroditus back (Phil. 2:25-30).  Inter alia, this epistle is a diplomatic reintroduction of Epaphroditus in light of the Philippians’ hope that Timothy would be sent.142   In light of this, one can readily see why the apostle would speak so highly of Epaphroditus—and further, why he would build up Epaphroditus before the Philippians as a genuine co-worker (“My brother and fellow-worker and fellow-soldier”) as well as a truly unselfish emissary (“but your apostle and minister to my need”).  Epaphroditus embodies the very attitude Paul desires of the Philippians.  In taking him back, they would become like him.  That the multiple TSKS construction has a singular referent, in this instance, is not superfluous, but necessary.143

We might therefore, in refining Sharp’s rule still further, add that where several nouns are involved in the construction it may or may not follow the rule.144  Contextual considerations in which reasons for a trebled or quadrupled identification can be detected (such as in Phil 2:25) are normally required if an identical referent is to be inferred.

Finally, Winstanley put forth as his trump card a few examples from patristic literature in which, if Sharp’s rule applied, the personal distinctions within the Trinity would seem to be blurred.  But as these illustrations all come from patristic literature and have a specific content, viz. references to the Trinity, we will subsume our discussion of them under the christological cruces in the next section. 

One other apparent category of exceptions—and the only one to escape the careful eye of Winstanley—comes from Strabo.145  In his Geography 17.1.11, Strabo writes as follows:146

For Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, succeeded Alexander, and Philadelphus succeeded him, and Euergetes succeeded him, then came Philopater, the son of Agathocleia, then Epiphanes, then Philomater, the son perpetually succeeding the father.  But a brother succeeded [Philometer], the second Euergetes, whom people called “Pot-Belly”; Ptolemy who succeeded him, was nick-named Lathouros, and Auletes, who lived in our day, succeeded him and was the father of Cleopatra.  Therefore, all [the kings] after the third Ptolemy, since they had been corrupted by wantonness, governed badly, but the fourth and seventh were the worst, along with the last one, Auletes.

In his description of Epiphanes and Ptolemy as “the fourth and seventh,” Strabo uses the TSKS construction: ὁ τέταρτος καὶ ἕβδομος.  This is a clear violation of Sharp’s canon—and one which does not fit the other categories of exceptions which we have discovered thus far. For this reason it is a rather noteworthy text.  It is interesting that Strabo adds “and the last” (καὶ ὁ ὕστατος) with the article.  One might conjecture that in a list of this sort, where “the fourth” cannot possibly refer to the same person as “the seventh,” the article could easily be omitted, while since “the seventh” and “the last” could, in a given context, refer to the same person, the article is necessarily reinserted.  (It could even happen in this context from a reader’s perspective, for unless one is consciously counting the rulers, some confusion is most likely.)  Hence, Strabo offers an example of a fifth category of exceptions to Sharp’s rule: ordinal numerals, when having a personal referent, do not necessarily fit the rule.  Although it could be argued that the discrete referents can easily be fleshed out, such an argument would be perilously close to the weak-wristed approach of Middleton147 regarding patristic Greek to the effect that “we all know that the Father is not the Son; hence there could be no confusion.”

From both the linguistic side and the phenomenological side, however, ordinal numerals do seem to constitute a special class.  First, linguistically, even Middleton recognized “their natural definiteness.”148  Except in situations such as anaphora, they rarely require the article.  Hence, they do not function like the usual common epithet.  Indeed, ordinal numerals typically have “denotation but no connotation, reference but no sense.”149  In this respect they function very much like proper names and therefore tend to move in semantic circles outside the ambit of Sharp’s requirements.  Second, phenomenologically, this example is paralleled in another writer, the tragedian Sophocles.  Moorhouse has noted that the article is used in Sophocles “With ordinal numerals in a series     . . . but [is] omitted with ἕκτος, ἕβδομος, ἕνατος.”150  Whether the syntax of Sophocles is idiolectic and shut up to this particular playwright (or even to poetry more generally) or is a more widely diffused idiom native to Greek literature, even diachronically defined, is difficult to assess without a larger data base.  But in the least we can say that, linguistically, ordinals behave more like proper names than common nouns (for as quantifiers they are used to identify, not describe) and, phenomenologically, there may be an idiomatic usage of the article in more than one author. 

C. Summary

We have seen that Sharp’s rule, when properly understood, is not only supported by decent linguistic rationale, but has overwhelming validity in ancient Greek literature.  Further, the few classes of exceptions all seem to be capable of linguistic explanation.  Nevertheless, as this is a paper primarily related to the NT, with other Greek literature serving in a supportive role, the overarching issue is not about the inviolability of Sharp’s rule in secular Greek.  What is of utmost concern is whether it can be legitimately applied to the christologically pregnant texts.  What will need to be addressed in the next section, inter alia, is whether the classes of exceptions in any way impinge on the validity of the rule when potential affirmations of the deity of Christ are in view.

III. The Christologically Significant Texts

If the christologically significant texts fit the requirements for Sharp’s rule, then the case would seem to be settled.  Perhaps this is why a perennial argument against affirmations of Christ’s deity in these texts is that the nouns in question do not quite fit the contours of Sharp’s canon. 

A. Sharp’s Application To Christologically Significant Texts

Based on what he correctly perceived to be an otherwise absolute principle of NT grammar, Sharp argued that there are eight passages in which his rule explicitly affirmed the deity of Christ.  Unfortunately, his case was weakened in some of these instances either because of textual problems or because one of the nouns involved was more than likely a proper name.  The eight passages are as follows:

Acts 20:28

τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ κυρίου καὶ θεοῦ, ἣν περιεποιήσατο διὰ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ ἰδίου

“the church of the Lord and God, which he purchased with his own blood”

Eph 5:5

ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ θεοῦ

“in the kingdom of Christ and God”

2 Thess 1:12

τὴν χάριν τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

“the grace of our God and Lord Jesus Christ”

1 Tim 5:21

διαμαρτύρομαι ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ κυρίου Χριστοῦ  ᾿Ιησοῦ

“I charge you before the God and Lord Jesus Christ”

2 Tim 4:1

διαμαρτύρομαι ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ κυρίου Χριστοῦ  ᾿Ιησοῦ

“I charge you before the God and Lord Jesus Christ”

Titus 2:13

τῆς δόξης τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

“the glory of our great God and Savior, Jesus Christ”

2 Pet 1:1

ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ σωτῆρος  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ

“in the righteousness of our God and Savior, Jesus Christ”

Jude 4

τὸν μόνον δεσπότην θεὸν καὶ κύριον ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦν Χριστόν

“our only Lord God and Master, Jesus Christ”

Sharp invoked dubious textual variants in four of the eight texts to support his rule (Acts 20:28; 1 Tim 5:21; 2 Tim 4:1; Jude 4).151  As well, in 1 Tim 5:21 and 2 Tim 4:1, if the almost certainly authentic reading of τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ  ᾿Ιησοῦ (for τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ κυρίου Χριστοῦ  ᾿Ιησοῦ) is accepted, then the text can also be dispensed with, for “Christ Jesus” is surely a proper name, and thus does not fall within the limitations of Sharp’s rule.  Further, two other passages seem to involve proper names.  Second Thessalonians 1:12 does not have merely “Lord” in the equation, but “Lord Jesus Christ.” Only by detaching κυρίου from   ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ152 could one apply Sharp’s rule to this construction.153  Ephesians 5:5 has the name “Christ” in the equation, though one would be hard-pressed to view this as less than a proper name in the epistles.154

This leaves two passages, Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1, which have escaped the difficulties of textual uncertainty155 and the charge of disqualification via proper names.156  If indeed these texts contain explicit statements of Christ’s deity, it is not without significance that they occur in epistles which are among the later books of the NT.  Before we can explore more fully these texts, it is necessary to expand our horizons on the legitimacy of Sharp’s principle.  That is to say, two other factors directly related to these passages should be addressed.157

In the preceding section we established that the natural force of the personal, singular, non-proper substantives in Sharp’s construction was to have an identical referent.  This was determined through linguistic channels, both negatively (an assessment of the TSKS construction when it deflected from Sharp’s requirements) and positively.  It was also determined to be at least a generally valid principle on the basis of evidence, both in the NT and in extra-NT literature.

In addition, there are two other strands of evidence which strongly suggest the validity of Sharp’s canon in Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1.  First is the patristic confirmation of the rule.  Second is the usage of θεὸς σωτήρ in the koine period.

B. Extra-Syntactical Confirmation

1. Patristic Usage of Christological Texts

This strand of evidence does not deal with the article-noun-καί-noun construction in general, but only with the christologically significant texts.  In 1802 a fellow (and later, master) of Trinity College in Cambridge, Christopher Wordsworth, published his Six Letters to Granville Sharp, Esq. Respecting his Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, in the Greek Text of the New Testament.158  Wordsworth tested Sharp’s principle in the patristic literature.  He felt that if the principle was valid, then the Greek fathers would certainly have understood the christologically significant texts in the same way that Sharp had.  Further, he believed that the Latin fathers, on the assumption of the rule’s validity,  would not have uniformly understood the same texts as referring to one person since there is no article in Latin, rendering their translations more obscure.  On the other hand, if Sharp’s rule was a figment of his own imagination, then the Greek fathers, as well as Latin, would not be uniform in their understanding.159

Wordsworth found plenty of patristic evidence.  Interestingly, since Acts 20:28; 2 Tim 4:1; and Jude 4 were textually suspect, he found very little evidence in the fathers with the reading preferred by Sharp.160  Further, he found no fathers to confirm Sharp’s interpretation of 1 Tim 5:21 and urged Sharp to abandon his view of this text, arguing that “Christ Jesus” is a proper name.161  Concerning         2 Thess 1:12 he states that “my references are few; so few, that at the most, I have not more than one quotation, exclusive of those which are derived from the regular commentators: and so indeterminate, that in all which I can produce, there is not one of the passages which is decisive, either way, with respect to the required interpretation.”162 

Nevertheless, Wordsworth felt that these passages did not impinge on the rule, for Sharp had either appealed to textual variants in some of these passages (which variants the fathers did not embrace), or else invoked passages which involved proper names.  In other words, the Greek patristic writers not only implicitly knew of the requirements of Sharp’s canon, but understood them better than Sharp did himself!

Concerning the remaining three passages (Eph 5:5; Titus 2:13; and 2 Pet 1:1), he noted that they were all used frequently, from the second century on.  Indeed, he became quite convinced that Sharp had articulated such a sound principle that at one point he declared,

. . . I fully believe, that there is no one exception to your first rule in the whole New Testament: and the assertion might be extended infinitely further.  But, in all other places, (whatever it may be in those concerning which we are particularly interested) having, under your guidance, examined them, I am persuaded that the idiom is not “anceps,” not “ambiguum.”  Nay, may I not venture to add, that the Greek must be a strange language, if such a thing were possible?163

After an exhaustive investigation, from Greek Christian literature covering a span of over 1000 years, Wordsworth was able to make the astounding comment,

. . . I have observed more (I am persuaded) than a thousand instances of the form ὁ Χριστος και Θεος (Ephes. v. 5)[,] some hundreds of instances of the ὁ μεγας θεος και σωτηρ (Tit. ii. 13); and not fewer than several thousands of the form ὁ θεος και σωτηρ(2 Pet. i. 1.)[,] while in no single case, have I seen (where the sense could be determined) any of them used, but only of one person.164

On the surface, the massive research of Christopher Wordsworth looks rather impressive.  However, we need to inquire further: (1) Did some of the orthodox fathers use these passages as proof texts in their debates with Arians?  If so, this might imply that such texts had an obvious force to natives of the Greek tongue—one which both friend and foe could perceive.  If not, it may well be that the fathers found ready at hand an expression in certain passages which they could use to speak of Christ’s deity, but which nevertheless did not necessarily convey that meaning originally.165  (2) Did the orthodox Latin fathers use the same verses in a less-than-uniform manner?  If not, our suspicion that the phrase itself, rather than the meaning of the biblical text, was what prompted the unequivocal usage.  (3) Did any second or third century fathers use these same texts in defense of Christ’s deity?  If not, again we may perhaps discount the patristic usage as informed by set idiom and creedal formulation.

Without belaboring the issue, we can answer in the affirmative on all three counts.  Wordsworth quotes a number of fathers who used these passages as proofs against Arianism—in fact, he even finds a few Arians who conceded the syntax of the construction to their opponents.  For example, regarding Titus 2:13 he argues that

The interpretation of our version [KJV] was never once thought of in any part of the Christian world, even when Arianism was triumphant over the Catholic faith.  Surely, this fact, [sic] might of itself suffice to overturn every notion of an ambiguity in the form of expression.166

The Latin fathers (even those whose orthodoxy was unquestioned) were inconsistent in the use of these texts, betraying that the uniformity in the Greek fathers was probably due to Greek syntax, not to nascent creedalism.167  And some second/third century fathers did, indeed, use these texts as proofs of the deity of Christ.168  For whatever the Greek patristic testimony is worth,169 at least we can say that it points only in one direction.170

2. Θεὸς Σωτήρ in the Milieu of the First Century

A second confirmation (related to Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1) can be found in the juxtaposition of θεός and σωτήρ in the milieu of the first Christian century.  Several scholars have pointed out the fact that θεός and σωτήρ were often predicated of one person in the ancient world.  Some, in fact, have assumed that θεὸς σωτήρ was predicated of Jesus only after 70 CE and in direct opposition to the imperial cult.171  Although it is probable that hellenistic religious usage helped the church in how it expressed its Christology, the primary impetus for the content of that Christology more than likely came from a different source.  Moehlmann, in his dissertation on this topic,172 after canvassing the use of the two terms in Greco-Roman civilization, argues that in Jewish literature (including the OT) σωτήρ was “usually associated with and generally restricted to God.”173  He then argues, convincingly I think, that the use of this double epithet for Jesus was due to the growing conviction of the primitive church that Christ was in fact divine. 

To put it tersely, to say soter was to say theos.  When the author of the epistle to Titus says, “looking for the blessed hope and epiphany of the glory of our great God and Savior Jesus Christ,” he summarizes the ordinary content of the soter-idea in the culture of his day.  Theos soter is a rather fixed, inseparable combination in the civilization of the Roman empire.  “No one could be a god any longer unless he was also a savior” had its complement in no one could be a savior without being a god.174

But what about the precise expression θεὸς σωτήρ?  Whence did it come—and was it ever used of more than one person?  Within the pages of the LXX, one finds this exact construction on only one or two occasions.175  It is consequently quite doubtful that the OT, or more generally, Judaism, was the primary source for such a phrase.  Further confirmation of this is found in the syntax of the construction.  The Hebrew OT only rarely has the personal, singular article-noun-waw-noun construction.  That is to say, only rarely is this construction found in which the waw connects the two substantives.176  And when it does so, the semantics are mixed.  The LXX almost uniformly renders such a construction as other than a TSKS construction.177  Thus, neither the general syntactic structure of TSKS nor the specific lexemes of θεός and σωτήρ in such a construction can be attributable to OT influence.

Moulton lists several instances of this expression as referring to Roman emperors, though all but one of them dates from the seventh century CE.178 But there are earlier uses of the phrase circulating in hellenistic circles—and not a few which antedate the NT.179   Harris, in fact, argues that “the expression ὁ θεὸς καὶ σωτήρ was a stereotyped formula common in first-century religious terminology . . . and invariably denoted one deity, not two.”180  More than likely, then, the expression should be traced to non-Jewish sources, especially those relating to emperor-worship.  At the same time, “the early Christian texts which call Jesus ‘Saviour’ nowhere exhibit a view of the Soter related to the Hellenistic concept.”181  Cullmann is surely right that Hellenism accounts for the form, Judaism for the content of the expression,182 for the juxtaposition of θεός and σωτήρ (though almost always without a connective καί) was a well-established idiom for the early Christians already resident within the pages of their Bible.183  Nevertheless, regardless of the source of the expression, the use in Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 of this idiom is almost certainly a reference to one person, confirming once again Sharp’s assessment of the phrase.184

In sum, Sharp’s rule outside of the NT has been very strongly confirmed both in the classical authors and in the koine.  And although a few possible exceptions to his rule were found in the literature, the phrase ὁ θεὸς καὶ σωτήρ (Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1) admitted of no exceptions—either in Christian or secular writings.  Ironically, then, the very passages in which Sharp sought to prove his rule have become among the least contestable in their singular referentiality.  Indeed, the researches of Wendland, Moulton, Moehlmann, Cullmann, et al., are so compelling that exegetes nowadays are more apt to deny Paul and Peter than they are Christ185—that is to say, precisely because of the high Christology of Titus and 2 Peter the authenticity of these letters is usually denied.186  In this connection, it is noteworthy that Winer, whose theological argument against Sharp’s canon in Titus 2:13 influenced so many, held to Pauline authorship of the Pastorals.  Indeed, it was “considerations from Paul’s system of doctrine” which forced him to deny the validity of the rule.187  These two issues—apostolic authorship and Christology—are consequently pitted against each other in these texts, and the opinions of a scholar in one area too often cloud his judgment in the other.188  Entirely apart from questions of authorship, however, we believe that the evidence adduced thus far firmly supports Sharp’s canon as it applies to Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1.  What remains to be done is an examination of the substantive arguments against, and especially the alleged exceptions to, Sharp’s principle.

C. Arguments against the Application of the Rule to the Christologically Significant Texts

Arguments against Sharp’s canon take two forms: first, arguments against its application to the christologically significant texts; and second, exceptions to the rule in general.  As we have dealt extensively with the second issue, this section (with which we begin) will merely summarize our findings.

1. General Syntactical Considerations

As we saw earlier, four classes of exceptions to Sharp’s canon have been detected in Greek literature (though none in the NT).  We raised serious linguistic arguments against them being genuine exceptions, noting however the possibility of blunting Occam’s razor with the resultant complexities that our explanation may have suggested.  In this section we wish to make a simple observation: even if every one of our linguistic explanations proved invalid, none of the exceptions impacts the christologically significant texts. 

First of all, generic singulars were seen to be outside the scope of Sharp’s canon on a rare occasion.  (We suggested that although such substantives were singular in form they were plural in semantic force.)  Such nominals of course would make no impact on the theological cruces, because neither θεός nor σωτήρ are functioning as generics in Titus 2:13 or 2 Pet 1:1.

Second, one example of translation Greek (Prov 24:21) proved to be a violation of Sharp’s principle.  This again does not impact the christologically pregnant texts, for two reasons.  (1) The personal singular article-substantive-καί-substantive construction is almost never found in either the Hebrew OT or the LXX.  Thus, syntactically, we could not argue that such a construction typically represented translation Greek.  (Again, only one instance was uncovered in the LXX.)  (2) More importantly, the expression ὁ θεὸς καὶ σωτήρ was found to be a Jewish concept but a Greek form.  Thus, this precise phrase cannot be considered translation Greek.

Third, instances involving three or more nominals, known as enumeration, were found to violate the rule.  One example from Attic Greek and one from koine were produced.  Again, although a linguistic explanation was offered for this phenomenon, it is obviously irrelevant to Titus 2:13 and 2 Peter 1:1, for only two substantives are used in the constructions in these texts.

Finally, one instance involving ordinal numerals was discovered to violate Sharp’s rule.  We suggested that ordinal numerals behave very much like proper names.  Further, some evidence was located which may imply a broadly based idiom for the dropping of the article with ordinals in lists (particularly ἕβδομος, as in our one text from Strabo).  Nevertheless, whether due to idiom or analogy to proper names, this category bears no force on the debatable NT texts.

In conclusion, we must stress the methodological imperative for making a close examination of a given structure’s semantic situation.  Too many faulty syntactical deductions are made because the attendant lexical and morphological features are not observed.  Hence, though there are five classes of exceptions to Sharp’s canon, to appeal to such exceptions vis-à-vis the christologically pregnant texts is both linguistically imprecise and exegetically irresponsible.

2. Text-Specific and Theological Considerations

A second kind of argument dealt specifically with the theological cruces.  In many respects the velocity of the diatribe here may suggest a tacit concession of the validity of Sharp’s rule in general.  That is to say, the main thrust of the theological arguments was still rooted in syntax: adversaries of the “Christ as God” language attempted to give reasons why such texts did not meet Sharp’s requirements. 

We are limiting our discussion to two passages, Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1, for it is in these passages that the best case can be made.189  These texts are quite similar, yet each has its own set of complications.  We will deal with the one lexical problem mutually shared by them, then take a brief look at the peculiar difficulties each verse involves.  Finally, we will address the one syntactical problem that Winstanley raised as that which he perceived to be his coup de grâce.   

α. Θεός as a Proper Name

C. J. Ellicott, in his essay, “Scripture, and its Interpretation,” argues that “Granville Sharp’s rule . . . is sound in principle, but, in the case of proper names or quasi-proper names, cannot safely be pressed.”190  As we have already noted, it can never be pressed in the case of proper names, just as Sharp himself pointed out.  But what about quasi-proper names?  Several scholars take θεός to be just that—in fact, it is often considered to be unequivocally a proper name.  If indeed it is, then Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 do not identify Christ as God. 

There are several considerations against this supposition, however.  First of all, we see that θεός is used in the TSKS construction well over a dozen times in the NT,191 and always (if we exclude the christologically significant texts) in reference to one person.  This phenomenon is not true of any other proper name in said construction.  Indeed, it is the most common noun used in constructions involving Sharp’s rule.  Without it, our database would be significantly depleted.  Second, θεός occurs in the plural frequently in the NT, while no other personal proper name does.192  Third, proper names are usually anarthrous (since they need no article to be definite), except in cases of anaphora, contrast, or other similar reasons;193 but “in the nomin. θεός is used almost always with the art.”194  And in the oblique cases other syntactical factors contribute to its definiteness.195  Hence, even in this respect, it is not wholly analogous to proper names.  Fourth, even if θεός were to be considered a proper name in certain NT books, the texts in question are in epistles—and, hence, are ostensibly more concerned with the Gentile mission than perhaps, say, the synoptic Gospels might be.  In contact with the polytheistic Greco-Roman world, the apostolic writers could hardly use θεός as a proper name.  Indeed, Weiss goes so far as to say “denn Paulus sagt 1 Kor. 8, 5, dass tatsächlich θεοὶ πολλοί existieren.”196  Citing such texts as Acts 19:26; 28:6; John 10:34-35; and 2 Thess 2:4, he argues that Paul (as well as other NT writers)

will ausdrücklich betonen, dass die Wesen, welche die Heiden anbeten, nicht etwa wesenlose Geschöpfe ihrer Phantasie sind, sondern wirklich existieren.  Er behauptet nur, dass sie von seinem Standpunkt aus nicht Götter in vollem Sinne seien . . . , sondern nur in weiteren Sinne (als übermenschliche Wesen) so gennant werden.197

In light of arguments such as these, it is no wonder that in Weiss’ careful and comprehensive study of the article with θεός, he concludes that although “die neutestamentlichen Grammatiker rechnen θεός zu den Appellativis, die sich den Eigennamen nähern . . . für θεός trifft das nun keinesfalls zu . . .”198  Fifth, there is confirmatory evidence in the hellenistic papyri examined for this paper.  Three of the four plural personal noun constructions in which an identical referent was seen had θεός for one of the nouns; e.g., “you . . . the great gods and protectors” (ὑμᾶς . . . τοὺς θεοὺς μεγίστους καὶ ἀντιλήμπτορας) in P. Lond. 23 (=UPZ 14).17-18.  In the hellenistic papyri, θεός was always one of the nouns, perhaps suggesting something of an idiomatic expression.  Very much against Ellicott’s view, this at least demonstrates that θεός was hardly considered a quasi-proper name in the koine period.

b. Titus 2:13

This verse has one difficulty peculiar to itself.  As Berge points out, “the exegetical problem posed by the entire phrase, τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, has three possibilities: (1) Jesus Christ is the great God and Savior; (2) the great God and our Savior Jesus Christ are to be distinguished; (3) Jesus Christ stands in apposition to δόξα, and τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν refers solely to God.”199  This third possibility, even if valid, would not break Sharp’s principle here—it would only deny that in this text Christ is called God.  Few commentators actually hold to this view,200 for it seems to do such violence to taking ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ as in apposition to what immediately precedes.  Nevertheless, though somewhat ancillary to our overriding concern (viz. the validity of Sharp’s rule), since this view would effectively remove Titus 2:13 from the list of passages which affirm the deity of Christ, it should be addressed briefly.201 

The basic argument for this view is threefold.  First, like the first view mentioned above, this approach sees the TSKS construction as referring to one person.  Thus, whatever evidence can be mustered for the validity of Sharp’s rule in Titus 2:13 can be said to help this approach.  Second, σωτήρ is often linked to θεός (ἡμῶν) in the pastorals with reference to the Father.202   It would thus seem natural to apply it to the Father in this text as well.  Third, the NT uses other similar titles for Christ (e.g., ἀλήθεια, ζωή, φῶς).  To see an abstract term used of Christ here would not be out of step with other early Christologies.

There are difficulties with this view, however.  First, as we noted above, this reading is unnatural and overly subtle: one would expect   ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ to be in apposition with what immediately precedes (viz. σωτῆρος ἡμῶν).203  Second, σωτήρ (ἡμῶν) is used both of Christ and the Father in the pastorals—on one occasion, the referent changes from one verse to the next.204  If the author can shift from Father to Son in Titus 1:3 and 1:4, there can be no objection to his doing so in Titus 2:10 and 2:13.  Third, the evidence for δόξα θεοῦ as a primitive christological title is, at best, inconclusive.  Although it is possible in several texts (such as Jas 2:1; Eph 1:17; Heb 1:3), it is unlikely in all of them.  In other words, we have no clear instances of δόξα used as a christological title in the NT.  Without better evidence forthcoming, this view must be regarded with suspicion.  It is an intriguing speculation, but little more.  Titus 2:13 appears to be secure as a reference to Christ as θεός.

c. Second Peter 1:1

This passage also has its own peculiar problem: a possessive pronoun is attached to the first noun.  The possessive pronoun seems almost to “bracket” the noun, effectively isolating the trailing noun so that it does not partake of the article.  At least, this is the intuitive sense that some exegetes get from the passage.  Winer, for example, used this argument, for which Robertson took him to task.  More recently, Stauffer argues that in 2 Thess 1:12 “the first attribute (θεός) is separated from the second by ἡμῶν, and therefore it is not to be related to Christ . . .” and, on the following page, “. . . in 2 Pt. 1:1, as in 2 Th. 1:12, the ἡμῶν separates the attributes.”205  Is this phenomenon really sufficient to break the force of Sharp’s rule?  In response, Robertson has pointed out that

There is no pronoun with σωτῆρος in 2 Peter i. 11, precisely the same idiom, where no one doubts the identity of “Lord and Saviour.”  Why refuse to apply the same rule to 2 Peter i. 1, that all admit, Winer included, to be true of 2 Peter i. 11?206

This is an excellent point, but the case could be made even stronger.  First, this particular phrase is used not only in 2 Pet 1:1 and 1:11, but also in 2:20 and 3:18—again, as in 1:11, in obvious reference to Christ.  Indeed, as the author uses only one other article-noun-καί-noun construction in his epistle, this is his normal pattern.  Second, there are a few other personal, singular TSKS constructions in the NT which have a genitive attached to the first noun,207 yet Sharp’s rule is not hampered by the presence of the genitive.  To be sure, not all of these involve a possessive pronoun (though most do); nor do all of them have a genitive affixed only to the first noun.  But this, in principle, would not seem to make much difference, for the genitive would appear to interrupt the article’s “getting to” the second noun, regardless of whether it was a pronoun, or whether another genitive was attached to the second noun.  For example, in 1 Thess 3:2 ἡμῶν is attached to the first noun (Τιμόθεον, τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν καὶ συνεργὸν τοῦ θεοῦ), though the second noun does pick up a genitive noun.  Revelation 1:9 affords an even closer parallel, fitting exactly the structure of 2 Pet 1:1 (ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν καὶ συγκοινωνός).  Third, I have found the same phenomenon in the papyri and, once again, the genitive attached to the first noun never broke the force of Sharp’s principle.  For example, P. Lond. 417.1 reads “to my master and beloved brother” (τῷ δεσπότῃ μου καὶ ἀγαπητῷ ἀδελφῷ); Sitzungsber. Preuss. Ak. (1911, p. 796) mentions “Baebius, my friend and secretary” (Βαιβίου τοῦ ἐμοῦ φίλου καὶ γραμματέως); P. Oxy. 2106. 24-25 addresses “my lord and brother” (τῷ κυρίῳ μου καὶ ἀδελφῷ); in BGU 1035.1 we see “our lord and master” (τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν καὶ δεσπότῃ), an expression repeated nineteen lines later.  In all such instances the possessive pronoun had no effect on breaking the construction.  The fact, then, that a possessive pronoun attached only to the first substantive never nullifies Sharp’s principle—either in 2 Peter or in the NT or in the papyri that I have examined—is strong confirmation of the validity of the rule in 2 Pet 1:1.  In this case, as always, presumption must give way to evidence.

3. Patristic Exceptions

Calvin Winstanley illustrated from patristic literature instances in which, if Sharp’s rule applied, the personal distinctions within the Trinity would seem to be blurred.  For example, Polycarp speaks of “glory to the God and Father and Holy Spirit” (τῷ θεῷ καὶ πατρὶ καὶ ἁγίῳ πνεύματι);208 Clement of Alexandria gives praise “to the only Father and Son” (τῷ μόνῳ πατρὶ καὶ υἱῷ).209  To this kind of exception Middleton can only reply that no ambiguity could result, for the distinctions in the members of the Trinity were obvious to all.210  I find this kind of response to be the weakest link in the vindication of Sharp’s rule, for two reasons: (1) for the other three kinds of exceptions, a syntactical reason naturally presented itself as the cause of the apparent exception, while here Sharp’s advocates appeal to common sense; (2) consequently, this kind of reasoning is a case of petitio principii with reference to the christologically significant texts in the NT.  One could just as easily argue—and several have—that since Paul nowhere else explicitly identifies Christ as God, there is no ambiguity in his meaning in Titus 2:13 (that is to say, two persons are obviously meant).  Indeed, as we have noted, it is ironic that many scholars who affirm the deity of Christ in Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 do so precisely because they deny apostolic authorship and many who affirm apostolic authorship deny that deity is explicitly taught.

There may be a different way to deal with Winstanley’s coup de grâce.  As a preliminary comment to our suggestion, it should be pointed out that (1) all of the texts which belong in this fourth category are found in patristic literature;211 (2) all of the texts that Winstanley produced are, in fact, found in second or early third century patristic literature; (3) all of the texts involve only members of the Trinity; and (4) all of the texts involve at least two terms to describe the first person of the Trinity—e.g., “the only Father,” or “the God and Father,” etc.

It would seem that we are assuming too much about their own christological articulation when we read early church fathers.  There are glimpses, here and there, that in their zeal to defend the deity of Christ they proved too much.  Ignatius, for example, speaks of “the blood of God” (Eph. 1:1).  The appellation “Lord and God” was often used of Christ, as well as “Savior and God,” though hardly ever was the reverse order observed in these early writers.  Ignatius drops the conjunction altogether in most of his affirmations.  Such language, of course, does seem to be appropriate and in keeping with the spirit of the apostolic age, but at the same time it renders the statements about the deity of Christ, if not more direct, certainly more blunt.  Others seemed at times to blur the distinctions between members of the Trinity.212  This is not to say that they were unaware of the distinctions necessarily, but simply that their articulation was not what it would be in 325 or 451.  At the same time, in their zeal to defend the faith—and to practice the faith—these fathers did occasionally overstate their case.  Bousset argues that

This sort of hymnological community theology, the distinctive mark of which is a reveling in contradiction, finally had to lead to a complete deification, i.e., to the supplanting of God the Father or the denial of any difference between Father and Son.  What is stirring here is naïve Modalism which the Logos theologians later met as their most suspicious and intolerant opponent.213

Bousset goes on to give illustrations from the second century writers who claimed that Christ “alone is the God of truth, indeed he himself [is] the Father of truth, Father of the heights, true and only God . . . “; he is even called “Lord merciful Father, redeemer Christ.”214  It is no wonder that Bousset quips, “Naïve Modalism cannot be more strongly expressed, and here it is expressed in the unreflective language of prayer.”215

It would seem, then, that in the debates between Winstanley and Middleton, both sides made some rather hasty assumptions about early patristic Christology.  They interpreted the earliest fathers in light of Chalcedon.  Yet, when it is almost exclusively the second and early third century fathers who seem to violate Sharp’s rule; when their alleged abuses are all in references to the members of the Trinity; and when there is demonstrable “naïve modalism” in this early period, what are we to conclude?  Surely it would be too hasty on our part to assume that here and only here is Sharp’s rule violated.216  The very subtle distinction between “person” and “being” could hardly be expected of these writers.  Hence, to identify the Son with the Father was, in one sense, perfectly orthodox.  More than likely these final proof texts on which Winstanley rested his case only prove that the early fathers were in the midst of hammering out a Christology which had to await another century or two before it took final form.  Indeed, rather than refute Sharp’s rule, these proof texts seem to confirm it.

IV. Conclusion

Although Granville Sharp lacked the erudition of a lettered savant, he had an authentically visceral sense about the structure of language.  This intuition, fueled by an unquenchable piety, enabled him to be the first to articulate a genuine feature of the language which spans the constellation graecae from the sublime elegance of the Attic philosophers to the mundane and hasty scribblings of nameless masses in the vulgar papyri.

Calvin Winstanley’s counter-examples, borne no doubt of great industry, served their purpose well.  Thomas Fanshaw Middleton might never have devoted so much space to Sharp’s canon had Winstanley’s illustrations not been so challenging.217  And to Middleton we owe a debt of gratitude for raising the stakes, for giving a measure of linguistic sophistication to the articulation of Sharp’s principle.  These three—Sharp, Winstanley, Middleton—more than the whole company of combatants that would follow have put real meat on the table, for they all produced examples.  While others contented themselves with linguistic sophistry or theological prejudice (as in the case of Winer on one side and a legion of well-meaning scholars on the other), this trio of Englishmen virtually alone anchored the discussion to the actual data. 

In particular, Winstanley produced four classes of exceptions to Sharp’s rule: generic singulars, translation Greek (one illustration), several substantives in the construction (one illustration), and patristic usage.  Our research has turned up more examples for the first and third categories, as well an instance of a fifth (ordinal numerals).  Yet even Winstanley admitted the general validity of Sharp’s rule in the language.  The emerging conviction of this paper—albeit based on partial data—is that the five classes of “exceptions” can be readily explained on sound linguistic principles.  These exceptions in fact help to reveal the semantic depth of Sharp’s rule, even to the extent that it is much more than a general principle. 

Three final comments will conclude this essay.  First, although the restatement of Sharp’s rule addresses all the exceptions, the sampling of Greek writing examined for this paper was but a small drop in the bucket.  Rough estimates suggest that less than four percent of the more than 57 million words of extant Greek writings218 were investigated.  Only extreme naïveté or bald arrogance would permit us to shut our eyes to the possibility of other counter-examples in the remaining ninety-six percent.  At the same time, it must be admitted that numerous examples have been produced which tell the same monotonous story: Sharp’s rule is valid. 

Second, the other side of the coin is that the more classes of exceptions there are, the less Occam’s razor can be invoked.  The rule, even as Sharp stated it, was complex enough to be ignored or forgotten very quickly by opponents and proponents alike.  If our restatement of the rule is a compounding of that complexity, rather than a clarification of the need for it, one has to wonder how a non-native Greek speaker could have perceived such subtle nuances.  At the same time, the fact that all of the exceptions fit into a small number of carefully defined categories seems to be eloquent testimony that Occam’s razor retains its cutting edge.  There is indeed a tension between linguistic formulation and empirical evidence, between science and history.  With historico-literary documents, absolute proof is an ignis fatuus.  But the burden of proof is a different matter; demonstrating this is quite achievable.  This brings us to our third point. 

In part, this paper was an attempt to investigate Winstanley’s evidence (as well as other, more synchronic evidence) and deal with it on a more sure-footed, linguistic basis.  Our restatement of Sharp’s rule is believed to be true to the nature of the language, and able to address all classes of exceptions that Winstanley raised.  The “Sharper” rule is as follows:

In native Greek constructions (i.e., not translation Greek), when a single article modifies two substantives connected by καί (thus, article-substantive-καί-substantive), when both substantives are (1) singular (both grammatically and semantically), (2) personal, (3) and common nouns (not proper names or ordinals), they have the same referent. 

This rule, as stated, covers all the so-called exceptions.  Further, even the exceptions do not impact the christologically significant passages in the NT, for the semantic situation of Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 is outside the scope of Winstanley’s counter-illustrations. 

History is filled with biting ironies.  The debate over Sharp’s rule over the past two centuries has revealed one of them.  As industrious as the efforts of the Englishman Winstanley were to dislodge Sharp’s rule, his volume—which was filled with counter-examples—had little impact.  It took one cavalier footnote, whose substance was only theological innuendo, from a continental man to dislodge Sharp’s rule.  Georg Benedict Winer, the great NT grammarian of the nineteenth century, in this instance spoke outside of his realm, for he gave an unsubstantiated opinion based on a theological preunderstanding.  Yet this single footnote largely brought about the eclipse of understanding of Sharp’s rule.  Friend and foe alike have unwittingly abused the canon, with the result that scores of NT passages have been misunderstood. 

Winer’s opinion notwithstanding, solid linguistic reasons and plenty of phenomenological data were found to support the requirements that Sharp laid down.  When substantives meet the requirements of Sharp’s canon, apposition is the result, and inviolably so in the NT.  The canon even works outside the twenty-seven books and, hence, ought to be resurrected as a sound principle which has overwhelming validity in all of Greek literature.  Consequently, in Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 we are compelled to recognize that, on a grammatical level, a heavy burden of proof rests with the one who wishes to deny that “God and Savior” refers to one person, Jesus Christ.


1This paper is, for the most part, excerpted from D. B. Wallace, “The Article with Multiple Substantives Connected by Καί in the New Testament: Semantics and Significance” (Ph.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1995).  It should be noted that due to time and space limitations, several pertinent sections are deleted from the present essay.

2R. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament (New York: Scribner’s, 1951) 1.129.

3Identifications of Christ as “Son of God,” “Savior,” and especially “Lord,” are of great importance for understanding NT Christology, but some do not regard them as explicit affirmations of the deity of Christ.  The following lists, from selected authors, therefore, are restricted to passages in which θεός seems to be predicated of Christ.  Bultmann argues that besides John 1:1 and 20:28 only 2 Thess 1:12; Titus 2:13; and 2 Pet 1:1 “by any probable exegesis” make such an assertion (ibid.).  V. Taylor regards Bultmann’s comment as an “understatement” and concedes only John 20:28 to be an unambiguous assertion (“Does the New Testament Call Jesus God?”, ExpTim 73 [1961-62] 116-18 [reprinted in New Testament Essays (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970) 83-89].  Cf. also his The Person of Christ in New Testament Teaching [London: Macmillan, 1959] 55-56, 129-33, 134-37).  O. Cullmann accepts John 1:1 and 20:28 and adds 1:18 (with the reading μονογενὴς θεός).  He also affirms Heb 1:8-9; calls Rom 9:5 “quite probable” and both Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 “uncertain . . . but . . . probable”) (The Christology of the New Testament, rev. ed. [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1963] 308-14).  D. Guthrie has a list identical with Cullmann’s (New Testament Theology [Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1981] 338-42). L. Sabourin feels that John 1:1, 18; 20:28; Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 make an explicit  identification of Christ’s deity, though Rom 9:5 is more doubtful (Christology: Basic Texts in Focus [New York: Alba, 1984] 143-44).  E. Stauffer argues that John 1:1, 18; 20:28; Acts 20:28; Rom 9:5; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; and 1 John 5:20 are explicit affirmations (s.v. “θεός“ in TDNT 3.104-106).      J. Pohle lists John 1:1; 20:28; Rom 9:5; Titus 2:13; and 2 Pet 1:1 as explicit assertions (Christology: A Dogmatic Treatise on the Incarnation [St. Louis: B. Herder, 1943] 17).  A. W. Wainwright argues that John 1:1, 18; 20:28; Rom 9:5; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; and 2 Pet 1:1 are explicit assertions (The Trinity in the New Testament [London: SPCK, 1962] 54-69).  V. Perry, in his comparison of English translations, charts eight disputed passages: John 1:1, 18; Acts 20:28; Rom 9:5; 2 Thess 1:12; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; and 2 Pet 1:1 (“Problem Passages of the New Testament in Some Modern Translations. Does the New Testament call Jesus God?”, ExpTim 87 [1975-76] 214-15).   R. T. France argues that only John 1:1, 18; and 20:28 are unambiguous, though he lists as potential candidates also Acts 20:28; Rom 9:5; Gal 2:20; Col 2:2; 2 Thess 1:12; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; Jas 1:1; 2 Pet 1:1; and 1 John 5:20 (“The Worship of Jesus—A Neglected Factor in Christological Debate?”, Vox Evangelica 12 [1981] 23, 32-33.  Elsewhere, however, France argues that Acts 20:28; Rom 9:5; 2 Thess 1:12; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; 2 Pet 1:1; and 1 John 5:20 more than likely are affirmations of Christ’s deity [“Jésus l’unique: les fondements bibliques d’une confession christologique,” Hokhma 17 (1981) 37-38]).  R. E. Brown defends Christ’s deity in John 1:1, 18; Rom 9:5; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8-9; 2 Pet 1:1; and 1 John 5:20 (“Does the New Testament call Jesus God?”, TS 26 [1965] 553-554, 556-65).  R. N. Longenecker affirms John 1:1, 18; 20:28; Rom 9:5; 2 Thess 1:12 (“possibly”); Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; 2 Pet 1:1; and 1 John 5:20 (The Christology of Early Jewish Christianity [Naperville, IL: Alec R. Allenson, 1970] 136-41).  J. A. Ziesler apparently accepts only John 1:18; 2 Pet 1:1; and 1 John 5:20 (John 1:1 seems to be an oversight) (The Jesus Question [London: Lutterworth, 1980] 67).  Most surprisingly, D. Cupitt denies that any text is an explicit affirmation of Christ’s deity, though he does open the door for what might be called a functional (as opposed to ontological) divinity in John 1:1, 18; 20:28; Rom 9:5; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; and 2 Pet 1:1 (The Debate about Christ [London: SCM, 1979] 89-110, especially 109).

Finally, in the latest and by far most comprehensive treatment by M. J. Harris (Jesus as God: The New Testament Use of Theos in Reference to Jesus [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992]) the author considers John 1:1 and 20:28 as “certain”; Rom 9:5; Titus 2:13; Heb 1:8; and 2 Pet 1:1 as “very probable” and John 1:18 as “probable” references to the deity of Christ (272 [the chart on 273 errs in that it treats Rom 9:5 as certain]). 

4Even here there is debate however.  See Harris, Jesus as God, 51-71 (on John 1:1), 105-129 (on John 20:28).

5In Acts 20:28; Gal 2:20; Col 2:2; and Jude 4 there are variae lectiones which involve TSKS.  These will be discussed in detail below.

6This is the title of the first American edition.  There are slight differences in earlier editions.  See below.  Unless otherwise noted, the edition used in this essay is the latest, the first American edition (a clone of the third British edition), published in Philadelphia by B. B. Hopkins in 1807.

7The first twenty-four pages (twenty-six in the 2d edition) of his Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article are, in fact, a duplication of that letter to an unnamed minister friend (dated 10 June 1778).  All six rules are laid down, with several examples.  Sharp’s usual practice was to make an ἀντίγραφον of his letters.  On this occasion, however, Sharp “had not leisure to copy the original letter” and, after repeated attempts to retrieve it over a span of several years, was able to obtain only a part of it (Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, 24).

8T. Burgess, Lord Bishop of St. David’s, editor of the first and second editions of Sharp’s work, apparently examined many of Sharp’s unpublished MSS, selecting this one for publication.  He saw it apparently for the first time in 1792 (correspondence from Burgess to Sharp, 15 December 1792 [quoted in Hoare, Memoirs, 2.372]).  The essay was not originally intended by Sharp for publication (cf. Sharp, Remarks, iv; Hoare, Memoirs, 2.300-301, citing a memorandum by Sharp on this work).

9A Tract on the Law of Nature.  One might note the cautious stance that Sharp took on his own work.  In the scripture index to this tract, there is no mention of Eph 5:5; 1 Tim 5:21;     2 Tim 4:1; Titus 2:13; or 2 Pet 1:1—all passages which Sharp would later argue fit his rule and thus bore testimony to Christ’s deity.  A year after it was published, however, Sharp wrote to a friend about his rule on the article (which letter is reproduced at the beginning of his Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article; see n. 84 above).  There he alludes to his having worked on the TSKS construction for some time and that he had, in fact, sent a preliminary draft of his views to “a very learned friend” who found several exceptions to Sharp’s first rule as he had at the time stated it (Remarks 1-2).  Although the many time references are not precise (e.g., “I have so long neglected” to write; “I had written,” “I was willing to wait”), it is possible, even likely, that Sharp had worked up a rough sketch of his rule while writing his Tract on the Law of Nature.  If so, he would have hesitated to include the rule in the tract because it had not yet been processed through sober reflection by himself or judicious examination by others.  Hence, he does not mention the christologically significant texts involving TSKS in his Tract on the Law of Nature.

10The first and second editions were published in Durham by L. Pennington in 1798 and 1802.   The third edition was published in London by Vernor and Hood in 1803.  The fourth, known as the first American edition, was merely a reprint of the third with a few typographical and spelling changes; it was published in Philadelphia by B. B. Hopkins in 1807.

The essential differences between the various editions are as follows.  (1) A few typographical mistakes were corrected in the second and following editions.  (2) The title changed slightly (viz. in punctuation and capitalization: the first and second editions had Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament; Containing many New Proofs of the Divinity of Christ, from Passages, which are wrongly Translated in the Common English Version, the third edition read Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament, Containing many New Proofs of the Divinity of Christ, from Passages which are wrongly translated in the common English Version, while the fourth edition read Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament: Containing many New Proofs of the Divinity of Christ, from Passages which are wrongly Translated in the Common English Version (thus, a semi-colon/colon after New Testament and a comma/no punctuation after Passages are the only differences).  (3) The second and subsequent iterations include published periodical reviews of the first edition as an appendix, rendering the work nearly three times as long as the 1798 edition.  (4) The second and subsequent editions include excerpts from a lengthy rebuttal of Sharp’s Remarks by one pseudonymously named Gregory Blunt (Blunt’s work was originally published as a 218 page book entitled, Six More Letters to Granville Sharp, Esq., on his Remarks upon the Uses of the Article in the Greek Testament [London: J. Johnston, 1803]. Blunt’s real name was apparently Thomas Pearne); however, the second edition of Remarks appeared the same year as Blunt’s work (although Sharp’s second edition has a publication date of 1802 both were published in 1803 [Blunt’s tome in March, Sharp’s apparently sometime later since in his appendix [Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, 118] he cites a review article of Blunt’s work appearing in the Christian Observer, no. 6 [June 1803] 363 [sic: the pagination was 370-76]).  Hence, it has less interaction with it than do subsequent editions.

11Blunt’s work was originally published as a 218 page book entitled, Six More Letters to Granville Sharp, Esq., on his Remarks upon the Uses of the Article in the Greek Testament. London: J. Johnston, 1803. Blunt’s real name was apparently Thomas Pearne.

12Sharp, Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, 2.  See Wallace, “The Article with Multiple Substantives,” 44-46, for a discussion of the other five rules. 

13Ibid., 3 (italics in the original).

14Ibid., 5-6. 

15Ibid., 120.  Sharp also notes that the fourth rule embraces impersonal substantives exclusively (ibid., 121). 

16Ibid., 140-42. 

17It is not enough to say that both nouns have equal referents (as some have misunderstood Sharp to mean), nor that the single article simply unites them somehow: the point of Sharp’s rule is that both noun A and noun B refer to the same person (thus an identical referent).

18Sharp did not specify that it must have complete grammatical concord, e.g., by also having the same gender.  Thus whether Sharp would have applied his rule to 1 John 5:20 is not known.

19These criteria can also be seen from Sharp’s examples.  He produces twenty-five undisputed examples (i.e., those which do not impact the deity of Christ) from the NT.  Every one involves singular, non-proper, personal substantives, in grammatical concord with the article.

20 See later discussion for documentation of this point.

21Ibid., 25-62.  He also discussed Phil 3:3 as a pneumatologically significant text, according to the reading of Alexandrinus and other ancient authorities (29-31).

22Ibid., 3-7.  He further recognized that these twenty-five examples were not all the passages that came under the rubric of his rule (“There are several other texts wherein the mode of expression is exactly similar, and which therefore do necessarily require a construction agreeable to the same rule . . .” (ibid.).  On the other hand, Sharp did not know explicitly of any other texts (cf. his response to one Calvin Winstanley, A Dissertation on the Supreme Divine Dignity of the Messiah: in reply to a Tract, entitled, “A Vindication of certain Passages in the common English Version of the New Testament” [London: B. Edwards, 1806] 4). 

23Some of his examples involved readings found in the TR which have little claim to authenticity (e.g., τὸν τύφλον καὶ κώφον in Matt 12:22, Sharp’s lone example from the Gospels). 

24Ibid., 6.

25For a detailed treatment, see D. B. Wallace, “The Article with Multiple Substantives Connected by Καί in the New Testament: Semantics and Significance” (Ph.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1995) 50-80.  What should be noted here is that the first wave of reactions to Sharp’s canon were sort of a backhanded confirmation of his rule.  One reviewer stated that the rule had been known for quite some time and that Sharp was not the first to state this principle.  In the British Critic 20.1 (July, 1802), the unnamed reviewer mentions Beza, Wolfius, Drusius, Bishop Bull, Calovius, Vitringa, and Dr. Twells as those who knew of the rule before Sharp.  Nevertheless, they do not lay down the limitations of the canon as Sharp had done.  Beza’s comments on Titus 2:13, which the reviewer gratuitously regarded as being just as clear as Sharp’s rule, are quoted here (Theodor Beza, Annotationes Maiores in Novum Dn. Nostri Iesu Christi Testamentum [2 vols.; n.p.: n.p., 1594] 2.478):

Quod autem ad alterum attinet, quum scriptum sit, ἐπιφανvειαν [sic] τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, non autem τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ σωτῆρος, dico non magis probabiliter ista posse ad duas distinctas personas referri quàm illam loquutionem ὁ Θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ.  Nam id certè postulat Graeci sermonis usus, quum unus tantùm sit articulus, duobus istis, nempe Θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος & Θεὸς καὶ πατήρ, communis: quum praesertim (ut antè dixi) nunquam ἐπιφανvεια [sic] aut παρουσία nisi uni Filio tribuatur.  Itaque sic concludo, Christum Iesum hic apertè magnum Deum dici, qui & beata illa spes nostra metonymicè vocatur.  Illi igitur, ut verè magno & aeterno Deo, . . . sit gloria & laus omnis in secula seculorum.

The only substantive grammatical insight Beza makes is that the single article unites both nouns.  He sees this unity as indicating identity not because of the construction alone, but because of theological considerations.  Clearly this is by no means as specific as Sharp’s rule.  Nevertheless, it should be noted that Beza’s instincts on the passage (and other christologically significant texts) ran along the same lines as Sharp’s (cf. Beza, Annotationes Maiores 2.376 [on Eph 5:5], 2.586 [on 2 Pet 1:1]).

None of the other authors mentioned by the reviewer articulated the rule as clearly as Sharp had done either.  For example, Campegius Vitringa, De Brief van den Apostel Paulus aan de gemeente der Galaten; als mede aan Titum: en uitgeleesene keurstoffen van eenige voorname texten des Nieuwen Testaments (Franecker: W. Bleck, 1728), though he has a lengthy discussion on Titus 2:13 (133-38), supports his view that Jesus is called θεός mostly with theological arguments.  His one grammatical statement falls far short of Sharp’s rule (135): “Want soo den Apostel door grooten God en Saligmaker onderscheiden persoonen hadde willen betekenen en aan wißsen hy soude een wooßdt—leegtje τῷ, vooß het wooßdt σωτῆρος, geset hebben des grooten Gods en des Saligmakers.”  Indeed, one gets the impression that the reviewer did not clearly understand Sharp’s rule, for the authorities he cites as anticipating his rule merely appeal to the single article governing both nouns without any more nuancing (such as the restrictions that Sharp laid down).

In the years which followed some reviewers would cite grammars that were decidedly against Sharp’s rule.  Note, for example, the anonymous review of Middleton’s Doctrine of the Greek Article in Monthly Review 62 (1810) 158-59, where the author mentions Campbell’s Philosophy of Rhetoric and Murray’s Grammar.  Yet these are works on English grammar and hence have nothing directly to do with Greek (cf. G. Campbell, The Philosophy of Rhetoric, [London: Strahan and Cadell, 1776] 52-57; L. Murray, English Grammar, Adapted to the Different Classes of Learners, rev. ed. [Bridgeport, CN: Josiah B. Baldwin, 1824] 300).

26For example, Blunt argued that “Many a man, even of those who are disposed to be dainty and fastidious, will swallow as sound and wholesome, if you ram it down his throat with an imposing air, and cry graecum est, that which, if you set before him as plain english [sic] fare, to be eaten at leisure, he will no sooner taste than he will spit it out of his mouth, and tell you it is no better than carrion” (Six More Letters, 19).  Elsewhere he dogmatically asserts that “The office of the article then being the same in english [sic] as in greek [sic], your rule may be tried by the one language as well as the other” (ibid., 12).  Blunt’s argument from English grammar pervades the entire work.  Cf., e.g., xiv, 12-13, 23-24, 26-27, 29, 41, 53-54, and especially his extended harangue on 17-22 as well as the contrived counter-example he produces from the English text of Deut 10:18 [ibid., 20, 53]). 

27Ibid., 126.  Others such as the anonymous reviewer of Middleton’s Doctrine of the Greek Article in Monthly Review 62 (1810) also argued from the standpoint of English grammar, assuming almost a universal language (or at least a one-to-one correspondence between Greek and English) on a surface structure.  He states that Middleton “is, however, quite singular in this opinion [that there is not a one-to-one correspondence], since scarcely a modern scholar can be found who has written on the Greek article without expressly noticing the great resemblance between it and the article in modern languages” (159).  It would seem that Middleton was linguistically ahead of his time.

28C. Winstanley, A Vindication of Certain Passages in the Common English Version of the New Testament. Addressed to Granvile Sharp, Esq. (Cambridge: University Press—Hilliard and Metcalf, 1819).  The first edition was published in 1805, still during Sharp’s lifetime (Liverpool: W. Jones). 

29Originally published in 1808.  The edition (“new edition”) used in this paper was published in 1841, incorporating notes by H. J. Rose (London: J. G. F. & J. Rivington, 1841).  The latest edition (1855) is merely a reprint of the 1841 edition.  Unless otherwise specified, all citations are to the 1841 edition.

30Note especially C. F. D. Moule, An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959) 94, 94 (n. 1), 109 (n. 3), 113 (n. 2), 114, 115, 116, 117, 122.  S. E. Porter, Idioms of the Greek New Testament (Sheffield: JSOT, 1992) 103, n. 1, acknowledges that Middleton’s tome is the “most thorough treatment of the Greek article to date . . . .” 

31See Middleton, Doctrine of the Greek Article, especially 56-70.

32Note spelling of middle name.  This is Winer’s spelling in his grammars (in both German and English).  Robertson et al. “Germanized” it beyond the original, to Benedikt.

33This is not meant to imply that Sharp’s rule was universally accepted before Winer argued against it.  On the contrary, Sharp had a worthy adversary in Winstanley as we have seen.  But either through lack of circulation of Winstanley’s essay, or because he did not have the stature of Winer, or for some other reason, Winstanley was unable to sound the death knell to Sharp’s rule—even though his arguments against Sharp’s principle are still the most sophisticated that I have come across.

Only occasionally have I seen a writer who has felt the impact of  Winstanley’s argumentation.  W. R. Gordon, for example, though holding to a high Christology, felt that Sharp’s adversaries “have discovered a multitude of exceptions [to Sharp’s rule], which compel us to be cautious in its application” (The Supreme Godhead of Christ [2d ed.; New York: Reformed Protestant Dutch Church, 1855] 64).  (It should be noted nevertheless that Gordon does not mention Winstanley by name.)  More significant is Ezra Abbot, who refers to Winstanley’s “valuable essay on the use of the Greek article” (“On the Construction of Titus II. 13,” in his The Authorship of the Fourth Gospel and other Critical Essays [Boston: G. H. Ellis, 1888] 444). 

34The Expositor, 8th series, 21 (1921) 185, 187.  What especially gives Robertson’s claims about Winer credence is, first, that he intended to rewrite Winer’s grammar in light of the papyri finds, thus rendering him, in a sense, a student of Winer; and, secondly, that he lived closer to the time of Winer and most likely gained the sense of this “strange timidity” which gripped many NT scholars at the turn of the century from personal contact.

35 G. B. Winer, A Treatise on the Grammar of New Testament Greek, trans. and rev. W. F. Moulton, 3d ed., rev. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1882) 162.

36J. H. Moulton, A Grammar of New Testament Greek, vol. 1: Prolegomena, 3d ed. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1908) 84 (italics added).

37Cf., e.g., C. J. Ellicott, A Critical and Grammatical Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles (Andover: Draper, 1897) 207; H. Alford, “The Epistle to Titus,” in The Greek Testament with a Critically Revised Text, a Digest of Various Readings, Marginal References to Verbal and Idiomatic Usage, Prolegomena, and a Critical and Exegetical Commentary, rev. E. F. Harrison (Chicago: Moody, 1958) 421; R. M. Pope, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to Timothy and Titus (London: C. H. Kelly. 1901) 157; H. Windisch, “Zur Christologie der Pastoralbriefe,” ZNW 34 [1935] 226; Taylor, The Person of Christ, 132; R. W. Funk, “The Syntax of the Greek Article: Its Importance for Critical Pauline Problems” (Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1953) 68.  In passing, it should be noted that Funk’s appeal to Winer-Moulton for ambiguity contradicts his earlier (on the same page) approbation of Blass-Debrunner’s citing of Titus 2:13 as an example of identical referent.

38Cf., e.g., N. J. D. White, “The Epistle to Titus” in The Expositor’s Greek Testament (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1897) 195; J. H. Bernard, The Pastoral Epistles in the Cambridge Greek Testament (Cambridge: University Press, 1899) 171; A. Plummer, “The Pastoral Epistles” in The Expositor’s Bible, ed. W. R. Nicoll (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1894) 269; E. F. Scott, The Pastoral Epistles (New York: Harper and Brothers, n.d.) 169-70; N. Brox, Die Pastoralbriefe, in the Regensburger Neues Testament (4th ed.; Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1969) 300; M. Dibelius and H. Conzelmann, The Pastoral Letters (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1972) 143; C. Spain, The Letters of Paul to Timothy and Titus (Austin, TX: R. B. Sweet, 1970) 183; E. Stock, Plain Talks on the Pastoral Epistles (London: Robert Scott, 1914) 89.

Among grammarians, note W. H. Simcox (The Language of the New Testament [London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1890]): “. . . in Tit. ii. 13, 2 Peter i. 1, we regard θεοῦ and σωτῆρος as indicating two Persons, though only the former word has the article” (50); A. Buttmann (A Grammar of the New Testament Greek [Andover: Warren F. Draper, 1873]), who heavily relies on Winer throughout his grammar, argues that “it is very hazardous in particular cases to draw important inferences, affecting the sense or even of a doctrinal nature, from the single circumstance of the use or the omission of the article; see e.g. Tit. ii. 13; Jude 4; 2 Pet. i. 1 . . .” (97); and M. Zerwick (Biblical Greek Illustrated by Examples [Rome: Pontificii Instituti Biblici, 1963]) states that the rule is only suggestive, “since the unity of article would be sufficiently accounted for by any conjunction, in the writer’s mind, of the notions expressed” (60).

39The 1841 edition.  The 1855 edition was merely a reprint.

40He concludes his discussion of Winer’s influence by saying that “Winer did not make out a sound case against Sharp’s principle as applied to 2 Peter i. 1 and Titus ii. 13.  Sharp stands vindicated after all the dust has settled” (“The Greek Article,” 187).

41A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of Historical Research, 4th ed. (New York: Hodder & Stoughton, 1923) 785-89.  The title of the first section is “Several Epithets Applied to the Same Person or Thing” (785-86).

42H. E. Dana and J. R. Mantey, A Manual Grammar of the Greek New Testament (New York: Macmillan, 1927) 147 (as well, they give but three examples, two of which are among the exegetical cruces which concern this paper!). Dana-Mantey modify the statement of the rule in several minor points, however.

43S. E. Porter, Idioms of the Greek New Testament (Sheffield: JSOT, 1992) 110.  The error is repeated in the second edition (1994).

44Ibid.

45For example, K. Wuest (“The Greek Article in New Testament Interpretation,” BSac 118 [1961]) alleges that “Another function of the Greek article is in the construction called Granville Sharp’s rule, where two nouns in the same case are connected by kai, the first noun, articular, the second, anarthrous, the second referring to the same person or thing expressed by the first noun and being further description of it” (29).  Here, he assumes that impersonal nouns fit the rule and further argues that “Sharp’s rule makes the words [in Titus 2:13] ‘the hope’ and ‘the appearing’ refer to the same thing, and ‘God’ and ‘Saviour’ to be the same individual” (ibid.).  Wuest also thinks that plural nouns fit the rule: “The same rule identifies the ‘pastors and teachers’ of Ephesians 4:11 (AV) as one individual” (ibid.).  L. Radermacher (Neutestamentliche Grammatik, 2d ed. [Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1925]), though not mentioning Sharp, seems to imply that a single article uniting two substantives joined by καί speaks of an identical referent: “Wenn mehrere Substantiva [sic] in der Aufzählung miteinander verbunden werden, genügt oft der Artikel beim ersten Wort und zwar nicht allein bei gleichem Genus” (115).  He lists τὰ ἐντάλματα καὶ διδασκαλίας (Col 2:22) as evidence.  He goes on to say that the same phenomenon occurs in hellenistic Greek, citing ὁ ἥλιος καὶ σελήνη as an example (ibid.).  His two examples are both impersonal, one being singular and the other plural.  A case could almost be made for the first example expressing identity, but certainly not the second.  Similarly, S. G. Green (Handbook to the Grammar of the Greek Testament, rev. ed. [London: Religious Tract Society, 1912]) has both impersonal and plural constructions and speaks of such constructions “as forming one object of thought” (198; 232), a comment which equals Radermacher’s in its ambiguity.  W. D. Chamberlain (An Exegetical Grammar of the Greek New Testament [New York: Macmillan, 1941]) apparently has a clear understanding as to when the rule applies and when it does not, but he does not clearly articulate this to the reader (55).  BDF seem to support the rule in Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 (they enlist the support of Robertson’s  essay, “The Greek Article and the Deity of Christ”), but also apply it to proper, impersonal (geographical) names (145; §276.3), citing Acts 19:21 (τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ  ᾿Αχαί>αν)!  They make no comment about the plural.  C. F. D. Moule (Idiom Book) has a sober treatment of the rule, seeing its application in the singular and questioning it in the plural (109-110).  But he sides with Radermacher by allowing it with impersonal nouns.  N. Turner (A Grammar of New Testament Greek, vol. 3: Syntax, by N. Turner [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1963] and Grammatical Insights into the New Testament [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1965]) seems to vacillate in his discussion, for he apparently allows the rule to stand with the singular nouns (Syntax, 181; Insights, 15-16), but also applies it to the plural at his discretion (Syntax, 181).  Thus he speaks of a “unified whole” with reference to Eph 2:20; Luke 22:4, and Acts 15:2, but then declares that this same construction may “indeed indicate that two distinct subjects are involved [italics mine]” (ibid.), citing the common phrase οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καὶ Σαδδουκαῖοι as an illustration.  It is doubtful that the construction indicates two antithetical ideas/groups; it is rather better to say that it allows for it.  Nevertheless, Turner has not shown an understanding of Sharp’s rule in his discussions.  J. H. Greenlee (A Concise Exegetical Grammar of New Testament Greek, 3d ed. [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1963]) is very unclear when he applies the rule to impersonal constructions (Eph 3:18) and plurals (John 7:45) (50).  C. Vaughan and V. E. Gideon (A Greek Grammar of the New Testament [Nashville: Broadman, 1979]) apply the rule to both impersonal and personal constructions, making no comment about the plurals (83).  They do note, however, that there are exceptions with the impersonal constructions (ibid., n. 8).  J. A. Brooks and C. L. Winbery (Syntax of New Testament Greek [Washington: University Press of America, 1979]) apply the rule to personal, impersonal, and plural constructions explicitly (70-71).  B. W. Blackwelder (Light from the Greek New Testament [Anderson, IN: Warner, 1958]), after quoting Sharp’s rule via Robertson, argues that “there are many illustrations of this rule in the New Testament” (146).  He then lists four passages, including one which involves plural nouns (Eph 4:11) and two of the christologically significant—and, hence, debatable—texts (Titus 2:13; 2 Pet 1:1) (ibid.).  Finally, and most curiously, D. A. Carson (Exegetical Fallacies [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1984]) quotes Sharp’s rule as given in Brooks and Winbery’s Syntax, then argues that “The fallacy is in taking this rule too absolutely . . .” (84).  He then gives several illustrations of impersonal and plural constructions which do not fit the rule (85).  Yet nowhere does Carson evidence a clear understanding of the rule; he is simply dissatisfied with the form of it he cites, justifiably arguing that in such a form the rule only suggests unity, not identity.

46Even a scholar the stature of Ezra Abbot, though interacting explicitly with Sharp and Middleton (“Titus II. 13”), failed on two counts in his understanding of Sharp’s rule: (1) he suggests that τοὺς πωλοῦντας καὶ ἀγοράζοντας in Matt 21:12 proves Sharp’s rule wrong (“No one can reasonably suppose that the same persons are here described as both selling and buying,” 452), even though plural substantives are involved; and (2) he argues that English syntax is wholly analogous to Greek with reference to Sharp’s rule (451-52).  Yet, as we have seen, in his appendix, Sharp rightly takes G. Blunt to task for just such a supposition (Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, 126, 147).  We might also note that Longenecker, whose scholarship is unquestionably of the highest caliber, quotes Sharp’s rule in exactly the same form as is found in Dana-Mantey’s grammar (except for changing “farther” to “further” to conform with modern practice), though without credit. Longenecker simply remarks that the rule is “usually attributed to Granville Sharp” (The Christology of Early Jewish Christianity, 138).  Similarly, P. S. Berge only quotes Dana-Mantey’s definition of Sharp’s canon (though with proper credit) in his dissertation, “‘Our Great God and Savior’: A Study of Soter as a Christological Title in Titus 2:11-14” (Th.D. dissertation, Union Theological Seminary, Richmond, Virginia, 1973) 49.  Perhaps most remarkably, in R. W. Funk’s dissertation on the article in Paul (“The Syntax of the Greek Article”), Sharp’s monograph is not only not listed in the bibliography, but Sharp’s rule is nowhere mentioned by name.

47I am reminded here of C. S. Lewis’ delightful essay, “On the Reading of Old Books,” in God in the Dock: Essays on Theology and Ethics (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970) 200-207, in which he quips, “if the average student wants to find out something about Platonism, the very last thing he thinks of doing is to take a translation of Plato off the library shelf and read the Symposium” (200).  Much of what he has to say in this essay, it seems, is applicable to our present concern.

48In Pauline Studies: Essays presented to Professor F. F. Bruce on his 70th Birthday, ed.    D. A. Hagner and M. J. Harris (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980) 267.  This particular argument is given more space than any other in Harris’ article (267-69).

49The passages he cites are Acts 15:2 (τοὺς ἀποστόλους καὶ πρεσβυτέρους); 16:4 (τῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ πρεσβυτέρων); and 2 Cor 1:3 (ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ).  Harris himself admits that elsewhere in Acts “the repeated article in the phrase οἱ ἀπόστολοι καὶ πρεσβύτεροι (Acts 15:4, 6, 22) shows that the apostles of the Jerusalem church were a group distinct from the elders” (ibid.).  He sees the single article constructions of Acts 15:2 and 16:4 as indicating “a single administrative unit. . .”  But if true, even this does not conform to his statement of the rule, for though elder + apostle might = a unit, that is much different from saying that elder = apostle, which is the very point of Sharp’s rule, even as Harris has expressed it.  Elsewhere in his essay Harris indicates that he views impersonal nouns also to fall within the purview of the rule: “If the parallelism is intentional, ὁ μέγας θεός is the σωτήρ, just as ἡ μακαρία ἐλπίς is the ἐπιφάνεια” (270).

50This can be illustrated by reference to two passages: Eph 4:11 and Titus 2:13.  In Eph 4:11 the plural construction is used (τοὺς δὲ ποιμένας καὶ διδασκάλους) while in Titus 2:13 there are two constructions, one impersonal (τὴν μακαρίαν ἐλπίδα καὶ ἐπιφάνειαν) and one which Sharp believed fit his rule (τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν).  As we have mentioned earlier, Sharp restricted the rule to personal singular nouns.  Yet, the plural construction in Eph 4:11 and the impersonal construction in Titus 2:13 are usually, or at least frequently, seen as fitting the rule, though with no proof that the rule could be expanded to include either construction. 

With reference to Eph 4:11, most commentators are agreed that one group is in view in this construction (but cf. G. H. P. Thompson, The Letters of Paul to the Ephesians, to the Colossians and to Philemon [CBC; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969] 69; and C. J. Ellicott, A Critical and Grammatical Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Ephesians [Andover: Warren F. Draper, 1885] 94.  Thompson simply asserts that “teachers were holders of another office” without giving any evidence.  Ellicott argues solely from scanty lexical evidence.)  Yet those who affirm that one group is identified by the phrase have little syntactical evidence on their side as well.  H. Alford (The Epistle to the Ephesians) argues that “from these latter not being distinguished from the pastors by the τοὺς δέ, it would seem that the offices were held by the same persons” (117).  But he gives no cross-references nor does he demonstrate that this is the normal usage of the plural construction.  B. F. Westcott (Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Ephesians [New York: Macmillan, 1906]) argues for one class “not from a necessary combination of the two functions but from their connexion with a congregation” (62).  C. Hodge (A Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians [New York: Robert Carter and Brothers, 1856]) boldly states that “The absence of the article before διδασκάλους proves that the apostle intended to designate the same persons as at once pastors and teachers [italics added]” (226).  But then he curiously backs off from such grammatical dogma by adding that “It is true the article is at times omitted between two substantives referring to different classes   . . .” (227), citing Mark 15:1 as evidence.  Finally, he reverts to his initial certitude by concluding, “But in such an enumeration as that contained in this verse . . . the laws of language require τοὺς δὲ διδασκάλους, had the apostle intended to distinguish the διδάσκαλοι from the ποιμένες [italics added]” (ibid.).  No evidence is given to support this contention.  It is significant, in fact, that of the commentaries surveyed, only Hodge mentioned any other text in which the plural construction occurred—a text which would not support his conclusions!  Eadie, Abbott, Salmond, Lenski, Hendriksen, Erdman, Kent, Barclay, Wuest, and Barth (to name but a few) also see the two terms referring to one group, though their arguments are either not based on syntax or make unwarranted and faulty assumptions about the syntax.  Some would insist that the article-noun-καί-noun plural construction requires that the second group is to be identified with the first.  Wuest articulates this assumption most clearly: “The words ‘pastors’ and ‘teachers’ are in a construction called Granvill [sic] Sharp’s rule which indicates that they refer to one individual” (K. Wuest, Wuest’s Word Studies from the Greek New Testament: Ephesians and Colossians [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1953] 101). 

With reference to Titus 2:13, several scholars see the rule applying to “the blessed hope and appearing,” an impersonal construction.  E.g., R. St. John Parry (The Pastoral Epistles [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920]) argues that τὴν μακαρίαν ἐλπίδα καὶ ἐπιφάνειαν means “that manifestation which is our hope” (81).  Some scholars explicitly invoke Sharp’s name when they discuss “the blessed hope and appearing” (e.g., E. K. Simpson, The Pastoral Epistles [London: Tyndale, 1954] 108); others do so implicitly (e.g., W. Hendriksen, Exposition of the Pastoral Epistles in New Testament Commentary [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1957] 372-73; R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul’s Epistle to Titus [Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1961] 922-23; F. F. Bruce, “‘Our God and Saviour’: A Recurring Biblical Pattern” [in The Saviour God: Comparative Studies in the Concept of Salvation Presented to Edwin Oliver James, ed. by S. G. F. Brandon; New York: Barnes & Noble, 1963] 51-52; R. O. Yeager, “Titus 1:1-3:15” in The Renaissance New Testament [Gretna: Pelican, 1985] 35-36).

Some scholars regard (without further comment on the syntactical principle they are invoking), that the single article with “God and Savior” is sufficient evidence that only one person is in view.  Note, e.g., P. Schepens, “De demonstratione divinitatis Christi ex epistula ad Titum II. 13,” Greg 7 (1926) 243; F. Ogara, “Apparuit gratia Dei Salvatoris nostri,” VD 15 (1935) 365- 66; C. Spicq, Les Épitres Pastorales (Paris: Lecoffre, 1947) 264-65; P. Dornier, Les Épitres Pastorales (Paris: Lecoffre, 1969) 144; R. Schnackenburg in R. Schnackenburg and P. Smulders, La christologie dans le Nouveau Testament et le dogme (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1974) 190.  Finally, we should mention R. H. Countess (The Jehovah’s Witnesses’ New Testament: A Critical Analysis of the New World Translation of the Christian Greek Scriptures [Philipsburg, NJ: Presbyterian and Reformed, 1982]) who, after quoting Sharp’s canon via Dana-Mantey, cautions that “Granville Sharp’s dogmatic ‘always’ certainly invites a search for exceptions and Matthew 17:1 may be one” (69).  But this lone “exception” which Countess gives involves proper names (τὸν Πέτρον καὶ  ᾿Ιάκωβον καὶ  ᾿Ιωάννην)!

These few examples of scholars’ misunderstanding of Sharp’s principle could be reproduced manifold.  These are given to show that it is hardly an exaggeration to say that almost without exception, those who seem to be acquainted with Sharp’s rule and agree with its validity, misunderstand it and abuse it.

51In passing, three other studies should be mentioned.  R. D. Durham, “Granville Sharp’s Rule” (unpublished doctoral paper, Grace Theological Seminary, 1972), acknowledges that Sharp’s canon did not cover plural nouns or proper names, but he thinks that Sharp meant to include impersonal nouns as meeting the requirements (7).  M. L. Johnson, “A Reconsideration of the Role of Sharp’s Rule in Interpreting the Greek New Testament” (M.A. thesis, University of Mississippi, 1986), assumes that Sharp’s rule only dealt with conceptual unity, even going so far as to say that Sharp’s “principle gained general acceptance by both Classical and New Testament grammarians” (54).  He lists among the TSKS constructions which fit Sharp’s canon plurals, impersonals, and abstracts (70-71, 73).  G. W. Rider, “An Investigation of the Granville Sharp Phenomenon and Plurals” (Th.M. thesis, Grace Theological Seminary, 1980), sides with Durham in treating plurals and proper nouns as exceptions, but impersonal nouns as fitting the rule (23-25).  It may be fairly said that in each of these studies there was a confusion between unity of referents and identity of referents.

52In the last three decades there has been something of a reversal of the trend started by Winer.  To be sure, it is only a trickle, but there is some evidence that Sharp’s rule is once again becoming known and is being invoked by NT scholars.  For details, see Wallace, “The Article with Multiple Substantives,” 75-80.

53There is no need to speak of as the “definite” article because, as H. B. Rosén (Early Greek Grammar and Thought in Heraclitus: The Emergence of the Article [Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1988] 25) observes, “this term is justified only when a language has at least two of these elements, one of which is a determinator.  I know of no language which, having only one ‘article,’ assigns to it an ‘undetermining’ function.”

54P. Chantraine, “Le grec et la structure les langues modernes de l’occident,” Travaux du cercle linguistique de Copenhague 11 (1957) 20-21.

55Rosén. Heraclitus, 27.

56Although most grammarians recognize this, recently R. A. Young (Intermediate New Testament Greek: A Linguistic and Exegetical Approach [Nashville: Broadman, 1994] 55) announced that “The basic function of the article is to make a noun definite” (55).  Such an inaccuracy is all the more surprising in light of Young’s purportedly linguistic approach.  As soon as he stated this view he backpedaled by pointing out that “There are, however, many exceptions.  Perhaps this general rule should be restated . . .” (56).  In some respects even worse is the view of J. A. Brooks and C. L. Winbery (Syntax of New Testament Greek [Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1979] 67): “The basic function of the Greek article is to point out, to draw attention to, to identify, to make definite, to define, to limit.”  For although their basic definition is more nuanced, their general principle retreats into an unfounded and unreasonable assertion:

Generally, though not always, substantives with the article are definite or generic, while those without the article are indefinite or qualitative.  It would probably be an accurate summary statement to say that the presence of the article emphasizes identity, the absence of the article quality.

57The article does not necessarily or even normally determine in such constructions.  For example, every salutation found in the corpus Paulinum includes the phrase ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρός, frequently followed in the body of the text by ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατήρ (2 Cor 1:3; Gal 1:4; Eph 1:3; Col 1:3 [v.l.]).  Yet in both the anarthrous and articular constructions neither θεός nor πατήρ could be considered indefinite.  The reason for the article is not in such cases to make definite an expression which would otherwise be indefinite.

58This is similar to the modern use of the hyphen in adnominal expressions such as “a made-for-TV movie,” or “the every-other-Tuesday debate.”  It would not be too far off the mark to read Heb 12:2 as “the founder-and-perfecter-of-the-faith Jesus.”

59E.g., as in the TSKS construction, when prefixed to a prepositional phrase, or to introduce a quotation.  In such instances the resultant concept is typically more than a single word could convey.

60P. Cotterell and M. Turner, Linguistics and Biblical Interpretation (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1989) 89.

61G. B. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980) 9.  For further distinctions and illustrations, cf. J. P. Louw, Semantics of Biblical Language (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982) 50, 54-55; Caird, idem, 10-12, 45, 49, 52, 64, 68-72, 100, 238, and especially 54-59; T. Givón, “Definiteness and Referentiality,” in Syntax, vol. 4 of Universals of Human Language, ed. J. H. Greenberg (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978) 293-94; P. H. Matthews, Syntax (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) 225-27; and Cotterell and Turner, idem, 77-90.

62Some have been confused over this text, assuming that it fits Sharp’s rule.  Generally this confusion is exacerbated because (1) all of the terms do apparently refer to God’s love, yet even here it would not be appropriate to say that the length is identical with the height; (2) the figurative language compounds the problem because the imagery and its referent are both somewhat elusive; and (3) there is a widespread confusion about what Sharp’s rule actually addresses: it is not mere equality, but identity that is in view.

63On ἀρχιερεύς, see G. Schrenk, “ἀρχιερεύς,” TDNT, 3.270-71; Jeremias, Jerusalem, 179-80; Schürer, Jewish People, 2.212-13; on γραμματεύς, see Jeremias, Jerusalem, 236; Schürer, Jewish People, 2.212-13; on πρεσβύτερος, see Griechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und der frühchristlichen Literatur, by W. Bauer; 6th ed. rev. by V. Reichmann, K. Aland, and B. Aland (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1988; henceforth, abbreviated BAGR), s.v. “πρεσβύτερος,” 2.a.β.; G. Bornkamm, “πρεσβύτερος,” TDNT, 6.659; Schürer, Jewish People, 2.212-13.

64Although τε is in the middle of the construction, the total construction emulates TSKS.

65Doctrine of the Greek Article, 62.  Middleton further points out that an impersonal object can, of course, be described by two or more substantives, but that such is extremely rare.  In a lengthy footnote (62-63 [n. 1]) he reasons that

Nouns expressive of inanimate substances seem to have this difference, that though they have attributes (and we have no idea of any thing which has not) yet those attributes, from their inertness and quiescence, make so little impression on the observer, that he does not commonly abstract them from his idea of the substance, and still less does he lose sight of the substance, and use its name as expressive of the attribute.  Add to this, that to characterize persons by the names of things would be violent and unnatural, especially when two or more things wholly different in their natures are to be associated for the purpose: and to characterize any thing by the names of other things would be “confusion worse confounded.”

Middleton distinguishes between substances and abstract ideas, though he argues that abstract ideas are also excluded from the rule for reasons similar to those related to proper names (63).

66Ibid., 63.

67Ibid., 62-63, n. 1.

68Ibid., 63.

69Ibid.

70Ibid., 65.

71Cotterell and Turner, Linguistics and Biblical Interpretation, 83.

72Ibid., 46.

73Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, MA: G. & C. Merriam, 1963.  Cf. also Caird, Language and Imagery, 9, 45; Cotterell and Turner, Linguistics and Biblical Interpretation, 45, 83, 103; and D. A. Black, Linguistics for Students of New Testament Greek: A Survey of Basic Concepts and Applications (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1988) 130-31.

74Caird, Language and Imagery, 45.

75Ibid., 9.

76Further distinctions of proper names will be discussed below in the appropriate section.

77It is possible that καί is ascensive here, in which case the construction is broken but the referent is still the same.

78Cf., e.g., Luke 20:37; John 20:17; Rom 15:6; 1 Cor 15:24.

79Cf., e.g., Matt 27:40; John 6:33; 8:50; Acts 15:38; 2 Cor 1:22; 2 Thess 2:4; Rev 1:5.

80Personal singular constructions with substantival adjectives are rare, but note the following: Matt 12:22; Acts 3:14; Phlm 1; 1 Pet 4:18; Rev 3:17.

81As in Phil 2:25; 1 Thess 3:2; 1 Tim 5:5.

82Note, for example, the direct objects in Eph 2:14 and the possessive pronoun attached to the first noun in 2 Pet 1:11.

83Cf. John 20:17; 1 Thess 3:2; 2 Pet 1:11; 2:20; 3:18; Rev 1:9.

84Not all agree with this number, however.  For example, C. Kuehne lists eighty-nine constructions which fit the requirements of the rule (“The Greek Article and the Doctrine of Christ's Deity (Part II)” Journal of  Theology 13 [December 1973] 23-26), and R. D. Durham lists 143 constructions (ninety-six personal and forty-seven impersonal; “Granville Sharp's Rule” [unpublished doctoral research paper, Grace Theological Seminary, 1972] 16).  (Interestingly, Sharp lists only twenty-five constructions to prove the validity of his rule [Remarks, 3-7]).  This discrepancy has two roots, one textual and one grammatical.

On the textual front, Kuehne mentions Nestle’s 20th edition of Novum Testamentum Graece (1950) as the basis of his research (ibid., 16), while neither Durham nor Sharp mention their textual basis.  Our study is based on the text of Nestle-Aland’s 27th edition of Novum Testamentum Graece (=UBSGNT4).  Thus, for example, ὁ πιστεύσας καὶ βαπτισθείς in Mark 16:16, since it is found in double brackets in Nestle-Aland27, is omitted from our list.  Note also the variae lectiones in Matt 12:22; 13:23; Mark 12:26; Gal 1:15; Col 1:3, 12; 2:2; 3:17.  In passing, we note that every one of these variant readings do have an identical referent. 

Grammatically, we can dispense with Durham’s forty-seven impersonal constructions, because Durham confuses identity of referent with unity of referents.  As well, Kuehne and Durham both mention several examples of participles and adjectives which are more likely merely adjectival rather than substantival.  For example, in John 5:35 Jesus says that John was “a burning and shining lamp” (RSV): ὁ λύχνος ὁ καιόμενος καὶ φαίνων.  The participles are not substantival here, but are adjectival in the second attributive position to ὁ λύχνος.  In Rom 4:17 Paul speaks of “the God. . . who gives life to the dead and calls into existence the things that do not exist” (RSV): θεοῦ τοῦ ζῳοποιοῦντος τοὺς νεκροὺς καὶ καλοῦντος τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα.  Here the participles are in the third attributive position (arthrous adjuncts modifying an anarthrous substantive).  Apart from the impersonal constructions in Durham’s list, all but a handful of the grammatically illegitimate examples are of this kind—i.e., they are either participles or adjectives in the second or third attributive position.  Cf. Matt 23:37; Luke 12:47; 13:34; John 3:29; 12:29; 21:24 ; Rom 2:3; 2 Cor 2:14; 5:18; Gal 1:15; 2:20; 2 Thess 2:16; 2 Tim 1:9; Jas 1:5; 1 Pet 1:21; Rev 3:14; 6:10.  (These instances should be distinguished from texts such as 2 Thess 2:4 [ὁ ἀντικείμενος καὶ ὑπεραιρόμενος] where the participles seem to be appositional [hence, “the man of lawlessness, the son of perdition, the one who opposes and exalts himself”].  Cf. also 2 Cor 1:22; Eph 2:14; Heb 7:1; Rev 3:7; 22:8.)  In this connection, two other disputable passages should be mentioned, for we regard them as legitimate.  John 11:2 has ἡ ἀλείψασα τὸν κύριον μύρῳ καὶ ἐκμάξασα [“the one who anointed . . . and wiped”] which we take to be in predicate relation to the subject, Μαριάμ (note the equative verb ἦν which could not make adequate sense if taken in the existential sense of “was there”).  And Phlm 1 reads τῷ ἀγαπητῷ καὶ συνεργῷ ἡμῶν.  Both adjectives are more than likely substantival since the second adjective, συνεργός, is always substantival in the NT (so BAGR), and the καί most naturally connects these two terms.  Finally, we consider 1 John 5:20 (“the true God and eternal life” [οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἀληθινὸς θεὸς καὶ ζωὴ αἰώνιος]) to be doubtful, for there not only are the genders different, but ζωὴ αἰώνιος ostensibly has an impersonal referent (though the author’s customarily cryptic style, as well as the lone subject [οὗτος], could arguably support a personal referent—so  R. Brown, “Does the New Testament Call Jesus God?”, TS 26 (1965) 557-58).  See discussion of this text in Wallace, “The Article with Multiple Substantives,” 271-77.

85In the Journal of Theology 13 (September 1973) 12-28; 13 (December 1973) 14-30; 14 (March 1974) 11-20; 14 (June 1974) 16-25; 14 (September 1974) 21-33; 14 (December 1974) 8-19; 15 (March 1975) 8-22.

86 This “all” must be qualified: see previous note.

87JT 13 (December 1973) 28.

88Vindication, 36.  See p. 8 for a similar comment.

89Ibid., 38.

90Ibid., 39-40. 

91There is in fact but one passage which could possibly be taken as constituting a violation to Sharp’s principle. In 1 Pet 4:18, “the godless and sinful man” (ὁ ἀσεβὴς καὶ ἁμαρτωλός), if rendered “the godless man and sinner” might suggest more than one referent.  But surely that is the English way of looking at the passage, not the Greek.  The antecedent in v 17 (τῶν ἀπειθούντων) clearly implies that all disobedient persons are godless and sinful.  Nevertheless, since all three terms are generic, this may be a moot point (see later discussion).

92In an earlier edition of Middleton, the pages may be as high as 157 (as in the 2d ed. of 1828, rev. J. Scholefield), but the type is larger and actually contains less material.

93For Eph 5:5 see 362-67; for Titus 2:13 see 393-96; for 2 Pet 1:1 see 432-35.

94Middleton lists this passage as Vita Cicero, “Ed. Bast. p. 68” (58).  The modern standardized reference is Vita Cicero 3.5.

95 Middleton lists this as de Cor. §61 (=18.212).

96Cont. Ctes. §56. 

97Doctrine of the Greek Article, 69.

98B. L. Gildersleeve, Syntax of Classical Greek from Homer to Demosthenes (New York: American Book Company, 1911) 2.277-78 (§603, 605).

99E.g., Xenophon, Anabasis 1.7.2, speaks of “the generals and captains” (τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ λοχαγούς); Plato, Republic 364.A, tells of the beauty of both sobriety and righteousness (καλὸν μὲν ἡ σωφροσύνη τε καὶ δικαιοσύνη).

100Sophocles, Electra 991: τῷ λέγοντι καὶ κλύοντι σύμμαχος (“there is an advocate for the one who speaks and listens”).

101R. Kühner, Satzlehre, vol. 2 of Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, rev. B. Gerth (Leipzig: Hahn, 1898) 611, §463.2.

102E.g., τοῖς ὑμετέροις αὐτῶν παισὶ καὶ γυναίξιν (“your own children and wives”) in Lycurgus 141; τῆς δὲ θαλάσσης καὶ πόλεως (“the sea and city”) in Thucydides 1.143.

103Middleton flatly states, “I do not recollect any similar example” (Doctrine of the Greek Article, 66).

104H. W. Smyth, Greek Grammar, rev. G. M. Messing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Press, 1956).

105E. Schwyzer, Syntax und Syntaktische Stilistik, vol. 2 of Griechische Grammatik, completed and rev. by A. Debrunner (München: C. H. Beck, 1959) 24.  Their treatment gives no illustrations not listed in the other standard grammars.

106In fact, it is just possible that these grammarians shied away from the personal singular constructions precisely because such constructions indicated more than the vague Gesamtvorstellung was meant to convey.

107Most today concede that the NT vocabulary is to be illuminated by the papyri, but that the syntax is, generally speaking, somewhere between that of classical usage and the non-literary documents.  Cf., e.g., F. Blass, Grammar of New Testament Greek, 2d ed. (London: Macmillan, 1911) 3 (though this attitude was somewhat reversed by the 9th-10th ed.: BDF, 2 §3); Robertson, Grammar, 83-84; L. Rydbeck, “What Happened to New Testament Greek Grammar after Albert Debrunner?”, NTS 21 (1974) 424-427; R. G. Hoerber, “The Greek of the New Testament: Some Theological Implications,” Concordia Journal 2 (November, 1976) 251-56; S. E. Porter, Verbal Aspect in the Greek of the New Testament, with Reference to Tense and Mood (Bern/New York: Peter Lang, 1989) 111-56.  S. E. Porter’s recent article, “Did Jesus Ever Teach in Greek?”, TynBull 44 (1993) 199-235, though on an ancillary point, canvasses the general discussion of Greek in first century Palestine.  He concludes that Greek was the lingua franca even among the Jews (i.e., that it was the primary language spoken in Palestine, though not the only one).  Several essays by A. W. Argyle, dealing typically with specific constructions, have argued for the almost literary quality of NT Greek (e.g., “An Alleged Semitism,” ExpTim 80 [1968-69] 285-86; “The Genitive Absolute in Biblical Greek,” ExpTim 69 (1958) 285; “Greek among the Jews of Palestine in New Testament Times,” NTS 20 [1973-74] 87-89).

In addition, with specific reference to the use of the article, NT grammarians generally recognize that “in the N.T. the usage is in all essentials in harmony with Attic, more so than is true of the papyri” (Robertson, ibid., 754).  Cf. also Moulton, Prolegomena, 80-81.

108E. Mayser, Satzlehre, vol. 2.2 of Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1934) 1-50 (§53-63).

109F. Völker, Der Artikel, vol. 1 of Syntax der griechischen Papyri (Münster: Westfälischen Vereinsdruckerei, 1903) 5-19 (note especially p. 8).  This volume is essentially an abbreviation and translation (from the Latin) of Völker’s doctoral thesis, “Papyrorum graecarum syntaxis specimen,” Universitate Rhenana, 1900.

110F. Eakin, “The Greek Article in First and Second Century Papyri,” AJP 37 (1916) 340.

111Ibid., 334-35.

112Moulton, Prolegomena, 80-81; Robertson, Grammar, 754.

113Non-Literary Papyri: Private Affairs, vol. 1 of Select Papyri, trans. A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Press, 1932) and Non-Literary Papyri: Public Documents, vol. 2 of Select Papyri, trans A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Press, 1934). 

114P. Cairo Masp. 67353.25-26 refers to “the . . . scribe and tabularius and public defensor” (τὸν . . . σκρίβα καὶ ταβουλάριον καὶ δημέκδικον).  The context does not help here (had the construction been in the nominative case, the verb number would have solved the problem).  I must further admit that since I am no papyrologist I cannot tell if these three offices could ever be predicated of one individual.  Nevertheless, the text looks very much as though three individuals are in view.  The significance of this text will be dealt with later. 

115This text is doubly significant, for not only does it fit Sharp’s rule but, as in 2 Pet 1:1, a possessive pronoun is attached to the first noun. There are several examples of this in the papyri (see later discussion).

116So also in Sitzungsber. Preuss. Ak. 1911, p. 796, which also involves a possessive pronoun attached to the first substantive: Βαιβίου τοῦ ἐμοῦ φίλου καὶ γραμματέως (“Baebius, my friend and secretary”).

117Cf. P. Oxy. 1895.1-2; P. Oxy. 138.3; P. Oxy. 139.5; P. Oxy. 135.2; P. Oxy. 1038.4-5;  P. Oxy. 1892.3-4; PSI 786.3; P. Lond. 1727.2; P. Cairo Masp. 67032.2, 77-78; P. Oxy. 144.20.  That “Augustus” was a title and not a proper name is obvious from the fact that several different men were given this  epithet (e.g., Mauricius in P. Lond. 1727.2; in P. Cairo Masp. 67032.2, Flavius Justinianus).  See later discussion on what constitutes a proper name.

118Cf. P. Oxy. 1890.1 which reads “the eternal Augustus, and Venantius” (τοῦ αἰωνίου Αὐγούστου . . . καὶ Βηναντίου).

119Besides the texts mentioned already, cf. P. Grenf. ii. 87.1; P. Oxy.  138.1; P. Oxy. 139.1; Class. Phil. xxii., p. 243.1; Rev Ég. 1919, p. 204.1; P. Oxy. 1680.19; P. Oxy. 925.3-4; Sitzungsber. Preuss. Ak. 1911, p. 796.38-39; P. Oxy. 2106.24-25; J.E.A. xviii, p. 70.30; P. Graux 2.15-16; P. Amh. 77.30-31; P. Ryl. 114.30; BGU 1749.4; BGU 1754, ii.11-12; P. Cairo Masp. 67321.1; P. Grenf. ii. 14(b); BGU 1035.1, 20.

120Cf. also P. Oxy. 123.21-22; P. Oxy. 1296.8-17; P. Tor. 13 (=UPZ 118).11; P. Cairo Zen. 59341 (a).20; P. Tebt. 322.17-20; P. Cairo Masp. 67032.57; P. Oxy. 1449.8-9; P. Oxy. 1115.4-5;     P. Oxy. 1835.3-6.

121A large part of the reason for this is that Winer’s shadow loomed over the discussion out of all proportion to his actual contribution to the debate.  Hence, Winstanley’s name was virtually forgotten once a more sensitive linguistic approach was adopted in this century.

In passing it should be noted that Sharp himself attempted to answer Winstanley in his A Dissertation on the Supreme Divine Dignity of the Messiah: in reply to a Tract, entitled, “A Vindication of certain Passages in the common English Version of the New Testament” (London: B. Edwards, 1806).  But he completely ignored the extra-NT examples Winstanley produced, arguing that since such were not written by the inspired writers they could have no impact on the syntax of the NT (ibid., 56).

122Apparently from Ethica Nicomachea 1148a (or several other places in Aristotle which have the same wording), though the reference in Winstanley is, like Middleton’s references, pre-standard.

123Cf., e.g., Ethica Nicomachea 1145b; 1102b; 1130b; Ethica Eudemia 1218a; Plato, Gorgias 460.e.

124Vindication, 9.

125This is true even if, as several grammarians hold, in a given author’s use of a generic noun in the singular he is thinking of a representative of the class, for a particular, real individual is not in view.  Nevertheless, this “representative” view is probably not to be insisted on, for (1) not only do generic nouns occur in the plural, but also (2) πᾶς is used with singular generics at times.

126In light of this restriction, however, we may need to modify our “head count” within the NT, for twenty-four of the eighty constructions fitting Sharp’s rule involve generic substantives.  Nevertheless, it should equally be noted that (1) most of these are participial constructions and, just as plural participial constructions, they always had an identical referent; (2) none of Winstanley’s examples of generic substantives involved participles, nor could I find any that did; (3) our one “problem” passage in the NT, 1 Pet 4:18, involved generic adjectives, bringing it closer to Aristotle’s “exceptions” than any other construction in the NT; and (4) none of the wholly noun constructions in the NT were generic (though 1 Tim 5:5 had a noun and participle).  It may also be observed that ten of the NT generics employed πᾶς.  As well, most generics in the construction were semantically equivalent to a double protasis conditional clause.  Hence, both conditions would typically need to be met for the fulfillment to take place (cf. Matt 7:26; John 5:24; 12:48; Jas 1:25; 1 John 2:4; Rev 16:15).  All of this is to suggest a different semantic situation than what we find in Aristotle’s orations.

127“In this verse the Hebrew text lacks an article before the word for ‘king.’  That the Septuagint should also lack the article is therefore not surprising . . .” (C. Kuehne, “The Greek Article and the Doctrine of Christ’s Deity,” Journal of Theology 14.2 [June 1974] 19).  Though true, “king” does not constitute the entire construction.  Kuehne does not address the fact that יהוה is rendered with less than “slavish literalism” as ὁ θεός.

128B. K. Waltke, and M. O’Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 180, §10.3.1b.

129There is as well the possibility that the LXX had a different Vorlage in one or more of these instances.  If so, then we might indeed say that the LXX is slavishly literal here.  The problem is that without MS testimony in support, this supposition cannot be placed on the level of certainty.

130Rev 3:7 is the only exception (ὁ ἀνοίγων καὶ οὐδεὶς κλείσει, καὶ κλείων καὶ οὐδεὶς ἀνοίγει).  Though the interfering pronouns are in the same case, they are not syntactically attached to the TSKS substantives.

131Against the argument that syntactically unrelated words disrupt the semantics of Sharp’s rule is the fact that even verbs can intervene (though only rarely is this seen; cf. Rev 3:7, discussed above) without affecting the sense of the construction.  Further, the καί in Prov 24:21 still connects the two accusatives syntactically, in spite of the presence of the vocative.

132This is not to say that one can easily detect which metric or other poetic considerations are of most concern to the translator.  Meter is one of those elusive features of the Greek language: to know that one is dealing with poetry may brace the modern reader for unusual lexical and syntactical features, but it does not necessarily aid in the analysis of the genre.  This can be illustrated in the NT with a cursory examination of the steady stream of literature over the past twenty years on the kenosis (Phil 2:5-11): although most NT scholars recognize this text as poetry, there is no consensus about the number of strophes, what belongs to each, or whether the text has some interpolated material.  As O’Brien cautions, “There is still considerable uncertainty about the stylistic criteria” (P. T. O’Brien, The Epistle to the Philippians: A Commentary on the Greek Text [NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991] 191).  See O’Brien’s succinct and up-to-date survey of the literature on this problem (ibid., 186-93).

133Cf. V. Bers, Greek Poetic Syntax in the Classical Age (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, New Haven, 1984), the entirety of which is dedicated to an examination of the differentiae between prose syntax and poetic syntax; A. C. Moorhouse, The Syntax of Sophocles (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1982) 1, 10, 13, 135, 143, 177; N. Cosmas, “Syntactic Projectivity in Romanian and Greek Poetry,” Revue roumaine de linguistique 31 (1986) 89-94.

134Bers notes as his lead example of major differences between prose and poetry “the omission (or, better, nonexpression) of the definite article in poetry as compared with all varieties of prose . . .” (Greek Poetic Syntax in the Classical Age, 5; cf. also 190-92).  This convention goes as far back as Sophocles: “Absence of the article (when compared with classical prose) is . . . freely indulged . . .” (Moorhouse, The Syntax of Sophocles, 143).

135Prov 24:21 (LXX) is also quoted verbatim, from time to time, in the fathers (cf., e.g., Chrysostom, Fragmenta in Proverbia in MPG, 64.733; John Damascus, Sacra parallela, 95.1208, and ibid., 1292.  But it still qualifies as translation Greek.   

136H. Stein’s edition.

137Doctrine of the Greek Article, 66.

138Ibid., 99-100.

139Cf. Radermacher, Grammatik, 113-14; R. Funk, “The Syntax of the Greek Article: Its Importance for Critical Pauline Problems” (Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1953) 69-70.

140In some respects, even the second nominal is really not required.  But if we translate the καί as “namely,” recognizing its epexegetical force, the second substantive is seen to clarify or specify the first.  If the TSKS’s force bears some semblance to the epexegetical genitive (e.g., “the sign of circumcision”) or the arthrous appositive to proper names (e.g., “Peter the fisherman”), then it becomes obvious that a third nominal is not required to clarify the first, but a second may be.

141Although the last two elements are joined to the first three by δέ rather καί, the construction emulates a pentamerous TSKS construction.  The δέ is thrown into the middle of the construction as a mild contrast to indicate the difference in the relationship that Epaphroditus had to the Philippians, but not to indicate a different referent.  Indeed, the δέ is essential to the argument.

142Cf. M. Silva, Philippians (Wycliffe Exegetical Commentary; Chicago: Moody, 1988)   2-5, for a decent historical reconstruction of the occasion for this letter.

143Most of the other TSKS constructions in the NT involving enumeration are quite similar.  That is to say, emphasis or contrast is seen in each of them (note Luke 20:37; John 20:17; Col 4:7; Rev 3:17).  Only in Luke 6:47 is the threefold description used for identification, but here the substantival participles semantically function in a conditional way for the generic group in view (one must come and hear and do to receive the blessing). 

144Significantly, our one “problem” passage in the papyri, P. Cairo Masp. 67353.25-26 (“the . . . scribe and tabularius and public defensor” [τὸν . . . σκρίβα καὶ ταβουλάριον καὶ δημέκδικον]), belongs to this category.  See n. 99.  Additionally, it should be noted, however, that this particular papyrus is not only very late (569 CE), but also was the only document which bore another anomaly, viz. plural nouns (other than θεός) having the same referent (see below for discussion).

145We are not here implying that there are no other exceptions to Sharp’s canon in Greek literature; rather, that in the writings we examined all other exceptions fit into one of the four categories of Winstanley.

146The translation is my own; the text is that of J. R. S. Sterrett (based on three medieval MSS) in the LCL.  The edition by Meineke, however, inserts the article before ἕβδομος, thus breaking the TSKS construction and removing this passage from the list of exceptions to Sharp’s rule (Strabo, Geographica, ed. A. Meineke [3 vols.; Leipzig: Teubner, 1877]) loc. cit.

147Doctrine of the Greek Article, 67-69.  Kuehne (“Christ’s Deity [Part IV],” 18-19), and E. A. Blum, “Studies in Problem Areas of the Greek Article” (Th.M. thesis: Dallas Theological Seminary, 1961) 32-34, use similar reasoning.

148Doctrine of the Greek Article, 100, n. 1.

149Caird, Language and Imagery, 45 (in defining proper names).

150Moorhouse, Syntax of Sophocles, 144.

151Although he used the Textus Receptus as his basic text, Sharp did discuss (and sometimes adopt) variants in several places, in particular in his discussions of these four texts (see Sharp, Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, 5, 26, 28, 30, 31, 35, 36-37, 38-43, and passim).  (Indeed, he shows some sophistication in the matter, for not only does he discuss the readings and punctuation of certain manuscripts, but he also shows awareness of the text and variants found in “sixty-four printed Greek Testaments, in the possession of the Author” [ibid., 40].)  In Acts 20:28 the reading τοῦ κυρίου καὶ θεοῦ is supported by C3, P, 049, part of the Byzantine minuscules, et al., while both the TR and NA26/27 have τοῦ θεοῦ (supported by א, B, 056, 0142, et al.).  Sharp’s text of 1 Tim 5:21 is found in the TR and Byzantine cursives; NA26/27 drops the κυρίου before Χριστοῦ and is supported by א, A, D*, G, 33, 81, and the majority of Latin witnesses.  Sharp’s reading in 2 Tim 4:1 has an even poorer pedigree: it is supported neither by the TR nor the Byzantine cursives, but is found apparently only in Dabs, a ninth century copy of Claromontanus, and about ten other insignificant witnesses (according to Tischendorf8; the v.l. is not significant enough to warrant a listing in either UBSGNT3 or NA26).  In Jude 4 the variant θεός is found in P, Ψ, and the majority text; it is absent from ∏72, ∏78, א, A, B, C, 0251, 33, 81, 1739, al.  (Without this v.l., the text still fits Sharp’s canon [τὸν μόνον δεσπότην καὶ κύριον ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦν Χριστόν], though lacking an explicit identification of Christ with God.)

In passing, we should note a variant in Gal 2:20 which was apparently overlooked by Sharp: τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ is found in B, D*, F, G, al. (NA26 has τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ, supported by א, A, C, D2, Ψ, the Byzantine minuscules, et al.), a reading which Sharp no doubt would have appealed to had he been aware of it.  Nevertheless, even if original, this reading suffers from the fact that, in the epistles, Χριστός is almost certainly a proper name (see discussion below on Eph 5:5).

152So Sharp, Remarks, 34-35.

153In spite of this, R. Bultmann seems to accept it (Theology of the New Testament [New York: Scribner’s, 1951] 1.129), as does C. Kuehne (“The Greek Article and the Doctrine of Christ’s Deity [Part II],” Journal of  Theology 13 [December 1973] 14-30 28), R. T. France (“Jésus l’unique: les fondements bibliques d’une confession christologique,” Hokhma 17 [1981] 37), et al.  But, significantly, T. F. Middleton rejects it, arguing that (1) κυρίου should not be detached from ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, since the whole forms a common title in the epistles, thus partaking of the properties of a proper name; and (2) although Greek patristic writers employed the wording of Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1 on numerous occasions to affirm the deity of Christ, they have hardly noticed this passage (The Doctrine of the Greek Article Applied to the Criticism and  Illustration of the New Testament, new ed. [rev. by H. J. Rose; London: J. G. F. & J. Rivington, 1841] 379-82).  Cf. also P. H. Matthews, Syntax (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) 228-29, for modern linguistic arguments related to gradations of apposition (in 2 Thess 1:12 most exegetes would see “Lord Jesus Christ” as constituting a “close apposition.”  R. Brown (“Does the New Testament Call Jesus God?”, TS 26 [1965]) adds a further argument that “ho theos hemon, ‘our God,’ occurs four times in 1-2 Thessalonians as a title for God the Father; and on this analogy, in the passage at hand ‘our God’ should be distinguished from ‘(the) Lord Jesus Christ’“ (555).

Nevertheless, even if there is quite a bit of doubt as to whether this text fits Sharp’s rule, the single article with both nouns does indicate something.  Leon Morris sums up the implications of this passage well (The First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians, 212):

It seems likely that ARV is correct in its rendering of the closing words of this chapter.  But, since there is an article before ‘our God’ and none before ‘Lord Jesus Christ,’ it is grammatically possible to understand the expression to mean, ‘our God and Lord, Jesus Christ.’  However, the expression ‘Lord Jesus Christ’ occurs so frequently that it has almost the status of a proper name.  Therefore when ‘Lord’ is used of Jesus it is not necessary for it to have the article.  This being so, it seems likely that we should understand the present passage to refer to both the Father and the Son.  At the same time we should not overlook the fact that Paul does link them very closely indeed.  The fact that there can be this doubt as to whether one or both is meant is itself indicative of the closeness of their connection in the mind of Paul.  He makes no great distinction between them (see further on I Thess. 3:11).

154S.v. Χριστός in BAGR, (2).  Nevertheless, Middleton accepted this text as fitting Sharp’s canon, though principally on the strength of the numerous patristic uses of this phrase (ὁ Χριστὸς καὶ θεός) to affirm the deity of Christ (Doctrine of the Greek Article, 362-65).  We may add further that Χριστός occurs in the first position.  It is possible that the reason proper names do not fit Sharp’s rule is that they are usually in the second position.  Since they do not require an article to be definite, one cannot conclude that the article “carries over” to the proper name in the sense of referential identity.  Indeed, almost all the mixed constructions that I examined, in both the NT and the papyri, had the proper name second.  Ephesians 5:5, then, may well fit Sharp’s rule.  Although almost none of our examples of common noun-proper name mixture yielded referential identity, exact parallels to Eph 5:5 are not easily forthcoming.  We must, therefore, in this essay remain undecided.

155Though a few witnesses in 2 Pet 1:1 read κυρίου instead of θεοῦ (א, Ψ, pauci), in apparent assimilation to 1:11.

156 Unless, of course, θεός is a proper name (see later discussion).

157The issues are not grammatical, but simply add confirmation that Sharp’s syntactical suggestion was so well-founded in the idiom of the language that the theological expression embedded in these texts would most likely be unflinchingly assumed to indicate one person.

158[C. Wordsworth], Six Letters to Granville Sharp, Esq. respecting his Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article, in the Greek Text of the New Testament (London: F. and C. Rivington, 1802).

159Six Letters, 7-11.

160Ibid., 12 (Acts 20:28); 63-64 (2 Tim 4:1); 108-114 (Jude 4).

161Ibid., 48.

162Ibid., 39.  The fact that the fathers neglected this text as an explicit affirmation of the deity of Christ comports with our earlier assessment, viz., that “Lord Jesus Christ” is a compound proper name and therefore outside the pale of Sharp’s principle.

163Ibid., 103.

164Ibid., 132.

165Ezra Abbot in fact tries to nullify the masses of patristic evidence with this approach (“On the Construction of Titus II.13,” in The Authorship of the Fourth Gospel and other Critical Essays [Boston: G. H. Ellis, 1888] 145):

That the orthodox Fathers should give to an ambiguous passage the construction which suited their theology and the use of language in their time was almost a matter of course, and furnishes no evidence that their resolution of the ambiguity is the true one.

The cases are so numerous in which the Fathers, under the influence of a dogmatic bias, have done extreme violence to very plain language, that we can attach no weight to their preference in the case of a construction really ambiguous, like the present.

Apart from the question as to whether unorthodox writers also used such texts, what seems to be a significant blow to Abbot’s sweeping statement is the fact that the patristic writers did not invoke the language of 1 Tim 5:21 or 2 Thess 1:12 in their appeals to Christ’s deity—the very passages which have proper names and are thus not valid examples of Sharp’s rule.  Thus, the singular construction which does not involve proper names seems to be a genuine idiom in the language.

166Ibid., 95.  Cf. also 22-23.

167Ibid., 36-38.

168Ibid., 122-24.  Wordsworth lists Clement of Rome, Polycarp, Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen among the earliest writers.  (The following texts are first listed by Wordworth’s pre-standard nomenclature, sometimes of a particular printed edition, then converted to the current standard form of citation.)  For example, Clement of Rome refers to Christ as ὁ παντεπόπτης θεὸς καὶ δεσπότης τῶν πνευμάτων καὶ κύριος πάσης σαρκός (Epist. i . c. 58=1 Cor. 64.1); Polycarp speaks of him as τοῦ κυρίου καὶ θεοῦ (Philip. c. vi.=Phil. 6.2); Justin Martyr extols the Lord as τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἱερέως καὶ θεοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ (Dialog. cum Tryphone, p. 282, ed. Jebb=Dialogue with Trypho 115.4); Irenaeus addresses him with four epithets: Χριστῷ  ᾿Ιησοῦ τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν καὶ θεῷ καὶ σωτῆρι καὶ βασιλεῖ (L. i. c. x. p. 48=Adversus haereses 1.2.1); Clement of Alexandria refers to Christ as ὁ ἄτυφος θεὸς καὶ κύριος (Paedagog. l. ii. c. iii. p. 161=Paedagog. 2.3.38.1), as well as ὁ σωτὴρ ἡμῶν καὶ θεός (Stromat. l. viii., p. 737=Stromata 7.10.58); Origen often refers to Christ as ὁ θεὸς καὶ σωτήρ (e.g., ὁ ἀψευδὴς θεὸς καὶ σωτὴρ, ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν  ᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστός [Selecta in Psalmos, vol. ii, p. 564=Selecta in Psalmos 12.1149]; τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν [Selecta in Psalmos, vol. ii, p. 584=Selecta in Psalmos 12.1185]; and (not listed by Wordsworth) τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν [Fragmenta in Lucam 172.6]; τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν [Fragmenta in Psalmos, Psalm 88:45]).

169What is interesting in this regard is that Eph 5:5 stands up just as well as Titus 2:13 and 2 Pet 1:1.  Because of this, it is probably not prudent simply to reject it outright as an explicit affirmation of Christ’s deity.  Nevertheless, since Χριστός is in the equation—a term which we believe is a proper name in the epistles—we are on surer ground if we restrict our discussion to the latter two passages. 

170This same can be said for the papyrological evidence among early Christians, as a scan of the volumes of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri reveals. For example, ὁ θεὸς καὶ σωτήρ is applied to Christ in P.Oxy. 3936 (598 CE), 3937 (598), 3938 (601), 3939 (601), 3949 (610), 3954 (611), 3955 (611), 3956 (611), 3958 (614), 3959 (620), 3961 (631/2).  However, all of these references are late.

171The questions of genuineness and therefore date of both Titus and 2 Peter play the leading role in this assertion. 

172C. H. Moehlmann, “The Combination Theos Soter as Explanation of the Primitive Christian Use of Soter as Title and Name of Jesus” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1920).

173Ibid., 25.

174 Ibid., 39.

175 Cf. Esth 5:1; Ps 61:1, 5 have the construction without the article.  ὁ σωτὴρ καὶ θεός is found in 3 Macc 6:32 and Philo, Legum Allegoriarum 2.56; De Praemiis et Poenis 163.5.  M. Dibelius-H. Conzelmann (The Pastoral Epistles [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1972]), however, list a few references among Diaspora and even Palestinian Jews (100-102).

176The typical Hebrew pattern is to employ the waw in joining two clauses or two anarthrous nouns with an intervening articular noun in a construct chain.  Considerations merely of word order (viz. article-noun-waw-noun) without regard for the overall syntax are deceptive indicators.  Actual article-substantive-waw-substantive constructions in which the waw syntactically joins two personal, singular, common nouns are quite rare in the OT (according to our computer search of the data via AcCordance 1.1 [software programmed by Roy Brown; Vancouver, WA: Gramcord Institute, 1994]).  In Judg 19:24, for example, the homeowner replies to the wicked men at his door, “Here are my virgin daughter and [my guest’s] concubine” (הנה בתי הבתולה ומילגשׁהו).  (Since הבתולה is in apposition to בתי, the waw connects two anarthrous nouns).  The LXX distinguishes the two women with a second article (ἰδοὺ ἡ θυγάτηρ μου ἡ παρθένος καὶ ἡ παλλακὴ αὐτοῦ).  In Prov 17:17 the waw technically joins two parallel clauses (“a friend loves at all times, and a brother is born for adversity”); here the second noun in the construction lacks the article (בכל־עת אהב הרע ואח לצרה יולד).  The LXX renders the two generic nouns without the article and turns the second into a plural (φίλος, ἀδελφοί).  Waw joins two clauses as well in Isa 9:14; Ezek 18:20; and 1 Chron 16:5.  In Deut 22:15       ( ואמה[Qere]הנערה לקח אבי) the waw joins אמהto אבי, not to הנערה.  The construct state is also seen in Gen 44:26 and 2 Chron 24:11.  The waw disjunctive is found in 2 Sam 19:28.  In none of these examples do we have a true article-noun-waw-noun construction.  Yet in all of them the LXX alters the text.

177Prov 24:21 provides a notable exception.  See our discussion of Prov 24:21 above.

178J. H. Moulton, Prolegomena, vol. 1 of A Grammar of New Testament Greek, 3d ed. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1908) 84.

179Cf. the references in BAGR, s.v. σωτήρ, dating back to the Ptolemaic era.  Cf. also  L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (Middletown, CN: American Philological Association, 1931), who gives a helpful list in her “Appendix III: Inscriptions recording Divine Honors,” 267-83.  Frequently, and from very early on, the inscriptions honor the Roman emperors as θεός, σωτήρ, and εὐεργέτης.  Almost invariably the terms are in a TSKS construction (among the earliest evidence, an inscription at Carthage, 48-47 BCE, honors Caesar as τὸν θεὸν καὶ αὐτοκράτορα καὶ σωτῆρα; one at Ephesus honors him as τὸν . . . θεὸν ἐπιφανῆ καὶ . . . σωτῆρα; Augustus is honored at Thespiae, 30-27 BCE, as το'ν σωτῆρα καὶ εὐεργέτην; and in Myra he is called θεόν, while Marcus Agrippa is honored as τὸν εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα).  See also P. Wendland, “Σωτήρ: Eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung,” ZNW 5 (1904) 337, 339-40, 342; BAGR, s.v. σωτήρ; W. Foerster, TDNT, 7.1003-1012; Dibelius-Conzelmann, Pastoral Epistles, 74.

180M. J. Harris, “Titus 2:13 and the Deity of Christ” (in Pauline Studies: Essays presented to Professor F. F. Bruce on his 70th  Birthday, ed. D. A. Hagner and M. J. Harris [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980]) 266.  Cf. also B. S. Easton, The Pastoral Epistles (New York: Scribner’s, 1947) 94.

181O. Cullmann, The Christology of the New Testament, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1963) 241.  See also Foerster, TDNT, 7.1010-12, s.v. σωτήρ.

182Cullmann, Christology, 241.

183Cf.  Moehlmann, “Theos Soter,” 22-39; Bultmann, Theology, 1.79.

184We may conjecture that the use of the phrase in emperor-worship was hardly an adequate motivating factor for its use by early Christians, because such an expression butted up against their deeply ingressed monotheism.  Rather, it was only after they came to recognize the divinity of Christ that such a phrase became usable.  This would explain both why σωτήρ is used so infrequently of Christ in the NT, and especially why ὁ θεὸς καὶ σωτήρ occurs only twice—and in two late books.

185D’Aragon’s statement is representative: “Tite 2,13, qui traite probablement de la divinité de Jésus, est considéré comme deutéro-paulinien” (J.-L. D’Aragon, “Jésus de Nazareth était-il Dieu?” in ¿Jésus? de l’histoire à la foi [Montréal: Fides, 1974] 200).

186Of course, there are several other reasons for doubting their genuineness, but this is one of the chief.

187G. B. Winer, A Treatise on the Grammar of New Testament Greek, trans. and rev. W. F. Moulton, 3d ed., rev. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1882) 162 (italics added).  He adds in a footnote: “the dogmatic conviction derived from Paul’s writings that this apostle cannot have called Christ the great God induced me . . .”

188Besides Winer, one thinks of Kelly and Alford as among those who, because they embraced apostolic authorship, denied an explicitly high Christology.

In passing, we might note that Ignatius’ christological statements involve a tighter apposition (with θεός) than do the statements in Titus and 2 Peter (cf., e.g., Smyrn. 1:1; preface to Ephesians; Eph. 18:2; Trall. 7:1; preface to Romans; Rom. 3:3; Pol. 8:3) or even direct assertion (Rom. 6:3). 

Though the statements in Titus and 2 Peter seem to be explicit affirmations of Christ’s deity, Ignatius’ statements are more blunt.  If a roughly linear development of christological formulation in the early church can be assumed, this would suggest that the terminus ad quem of the Pastorals and 2 Peter could not be later than 110 CE.

189As was mentioned earlier, we believe that Eph 5:5 is the only other christologically significant text in which Sharp’s rule might be valid.  But the main reason we have not altogether denied its validity is that although Χριστός is used in the construction, the Greek patristic writers uniformly see the text as applying to one person.

190In Aids to Faith: A Series of Theological Essays, ed. W. Thomson (London: John Murray, 1861) 462.

191Cf. Luke 20:37; John 20:27; Rom 15:6; 1 Cor 15:24; 2 Cor 1:3; 11:31; Gal 1:4; Eph 1:3; Phil 4:20; 1 Thess 1:3; 3:11, 13; Jas 1:27; 1 Pet 1:3; Rev 1:6.

192Though Matt 24:24 has ψευδοχριστοί.  Yet, Χριστός in the Gospels is not yet a proper name, as it is in the epistles.  See in particular B. Weiss, “Der Gebrauch des Artikels bei den Gottesnamen,” TSK 84 (1911) 319-92, 503-38, for his arguments that the plural of θεός in the NT makes it less than a proper name. 

193See R. W. Funk, “The Syntax of the Greek Article: Its Importance for Critical Pauline Problems” (Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1953) 46.

194E. Stauffer, TDNT, 3.92.  In a footnote Stauffer points out that “exceptions like Jn. 8:54 or R. 8:33 are for syntactical reasons.”  Funk finds that in the eight authentic Pauline letters 98 of the 112 uses of θεός in the nominative are arthrous (“Syntax of the Greek Article,” 154), and the remainder are capable of an explanation which renders the term less than a proper name.

195E.g., Apollonius’ canon implies that instances of nomen rectum need no article; nouns in prepositional phrases are often anarthrous, though usually definite.  Again, see Funk, idem, 154-67, as well as Weiss’ article for a detailed discussion.

196 “Der Gebrauch des Artikels bei den Gottesnamen,” 321.

197Ibid.  N. T. Wright has recently argued a similar point, though from the vantage point of NT theology.  In his provocative The New Testament and the People of God (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992) he gives an apologetic for “god” (xiv-xv):

. . . I have frequently used ‘god’ instead of ‘God’.  This is not a printer’s error, nor is it a deliberate irreverence; rather the opposite, in fact.  The modern usage, without the article and with a capital, seems to me actually dangerous.  This usage, which sometimes amounts to regarding ‘God’ as the proper name of the Deity, rather than essentially a common noun, implies that all users of the word are monotheists and, within that, that all monotheists believe in the same god.  Both these propositions seem to me self-evidently untrue.

. . . The early Christians used the phrase ‘the god’ (ho theos) of this god, and this was (I believe) somewhat polemical, making an essentially Jewish-monotheistic point over against polytheism.

M. Hengel also argues for θεός as a common noun (Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974]   1.262-67.  Cf. also H. Rosén, Early Greek Grammar and Thought in Heraclitus: The Emergence of the Article (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1988) 58-60, who suggests that the occurrence of the arthrous singular θεός in Heraclitus (it never occurs as an arthrous plural) is certainly no argument for monotheism in the fifth century BCE.

198Weiss, “Der Gebrauch des Artikels bei den Gottesnamen,” 320-21.  He cites Winer as one of the grammarians who so misunderstands the force of θεός.  Cf. also Funk (“Syntax of the Greek Article,” 144-67) who, in fact, takes Weiss’ approach further, noting the regularity of the use of the article with θεός in Paul.

Two other comments should be made about θεός before moving on. First, as we noted in the papyri, quasi-proper names fit Sharp’s rule; only fully proper names did not.  Ellicott’s suggestion that quasi-proper names (and if θεός be considered such, especially is this true with this term!) do not fit the rule is unsupported by any evidence I have yet come across.  Secondly, the only real instance in which a proper name becomes a factor in Sharp’s construction is when it stands second in order, for the whole argument about proper names not fitting the rule rests on the basis of it being definite without the article (cf. 1 Tim 4:1; 2 Thess 1:12).  Hence, if a proper name is the second noun in the TSKS construction it would naturally lack the article without implying identity with the first noun’s referent.  Incidentally, some have understood the weight of this point and have consequently argued that σωτήρ in Titus 2:13 is a proper name.  Such a view is easy to refute; nothing more needs to be said than what Harris has pointed out (“Titus 2:13 and the Deity of Christ,” 268):

. . . to judge from the NT use of σωτήρ, evidence is wanting that in the first century σωτήρ was a proper name as well as a title of Jesus.  Apart from Titus 2:13, the word is used only fifteen times in reference to Jesus.  In nine of these cases it is a title accompanying proper names (such as ᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστός); in the remaining six cases it is used simply as a descriptive title.  Nor is there proof that as a quasi-technical word σωτήρ “speedily became anarthrous.”  In fact, in the Pastorals σωτήρ is articular seven times but anarthrous only twice (excluding Titus 2:13). Only if it could be established that σωτὴρ (ἡμῶν) ᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστός was an early credal formula comparable to κύριος  ᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστός could one argue that σωτήρ was anarthrous in Titus 2:13 because of its widespread technical use.

199P. S. Berge, “‘Our Great God and Savior’: A Study of Soter as a Christological Title in Titus 2:11-14” (Ph.D. dissertation, Union Theological Seminary, 1973) 48.

200But cf. Parry, Scott, Fee, et al.  The view was first proposed by F. J. A. Hort, The Epistle of St James: The Greek Text with Introduction, Commentary as far as Chapter IV, Verse 7, and Additional Notes (London: Macmillan, 1909) 47, 103-104, regarding Jas 2:1. 

201For more comprehensive treatments on the issue of δόξα, see G. W. Knight, The Pastoral Epistles: A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans/Carlisle: Paternoster, 1992) 322-26; Harris, “Titus 2:13 and the Deity of Christ,” 266.

202In particular, just three verses earlier (Titus 2:10).  Cf. also 1 Tim 1:1; 2:3; Titus 1:3; 3:4 (similarly, 1 Tim 4:10).

203In this respect, the first and second views listed above share this point in common.  The issue between them is whether Christ is called merely “Savior,” or “God and Savior.”  The subtletly of the δόξα view is evident by the fact that, as far as I am aware, it was unknown until Hort advanced it.

204Note 2 Tim 1:10; Titus 3:6 for references to Christ.  In Titus 1:3 σωτήρ refers to the Father; in 1:4, to Christ.

205E. Stauffer, θεός, TDNT, 3.105, 106.

206A. T. Robertson, “The Greek Article and the Deity of Christ,” The Expositor, 8th Series, vol. 21 (1921) 185.

207Cf. John 20:17; 2 Cor 1:3; 1 Thess 3:2; 1 Tim 6:15; Heb 12:2; Rev 1:9.

208Martyrdom of Polycarp, ch. 22.

209Paedagogus 3.12.101.

210Doctrine of the Greek Article, 67-69.  Kuehne (“Christ’s Deity [Part IV],” 18-19), and Blum (“Studies in Problem Areas,” 32-34) use similar reasoning.

211This, of course, would not inherently have to be the case.

212Admittedly, the NT in places seems a bit fuzzy about such distinctions (cf. Acts 20:28; 2 Cor 3:17; 1 Thess 3:11, etc.).

213Kyrios Christos, 327.

214Ibid., 328-29. 

215Ibid., 329.  For other early examples of such confusion, see R. A. Norris, Jr., The Christological Controversy (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980) 4, 5, 7, 11, 13-14, etc.

On the other hand, some writers see a highly developed Christology in the second century not too far removed from Nicea or Chalcedon (e.g., J. Lebreton, “La théologie de la trinité d’après saint Ignace d’Antioche,” Recherches de science religieuse 15 (1925) 97-126, 393-419).  Admittedly, the patristic writers do make distinctions between the Father and Son, but they are not consistent.  Our point is not that distinctions are not made, just that they are not consistently made.

216For illustrations of adherence to Sharp’s canon (if we may speak anachronistically), note the following: τὸν πατέρα καὶ κτίστην (1 Clem 19.2); ὁ νωθρὸς καὶ παρειμένος (1 Clem 34.1); τὸν προστάτην καὶ βοηθόν (1 Clem 36.1); τὸν ἀποκτείνοντα καὶ ζῆν ποιοῦντα (1 Clem 59.3); ὁ λέγων καὶ ἀκούων (2 Clem 16.2); τὸν σωτῆρα καὶ ἀρχηγόν (2 Clem 20.5); τῷ υἱῷ ἀνθρώπου καὶ θεοῦ (Ignatius, Eph 20.2).

217By this we are not implying that Middleton directly responded to the challenge posed by Winstanley.  In keeping with his somewhat smug and irascible character, Middleton refused to acknowledge any of his adversaries in this issue by name.  Cf. the brief biographical note on Middleton in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 2d ed., rev. (ed. by F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone; New York: Oxford University Press, 1983). 

218Based on the software database of the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae D CD ROM (Los Altos, CA: Packard Humanities Institute, 1993), which encompasses most of the Greek literature from Homer to 1453 CE, though excluding much of the papyri and patristics.

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