Introduction

The world that Jesus entered was intensely religious. The beliefs, practices, and institutions of the Jewish people were solidly rooted in the biblical traditions--after all, the Jews were the people of God! But over the years Israel had to adjust to persecution, invasion, exile, and foreign rule. And as they applied the Scriptures to the various crises and situations that they faced, disagreements arose that led to serious divisions among the people. Such divisions were not foreign to Israel--the Old Testament records numerous examples; but what was new was that by the first century distinct and competing religious groups or schools of thought parties had been formed. So when Jesus taught the people, he was often compelled to address the teachings and traditions of these different factions.

To understand the teachings of Jesus, then, we need to know more about His world--who the religious leaders were, how the different groups arose, what they believed, and why they collided with Jesus as they did. We shall begin with a survey of the major events that led to this religious diversity, and then survey the different groups that are prominent in the Gospel narratives.

The Historical Setting

The historical background of this period is, of course, the entire history of Israel in general; but for the immediate conditions of the first century we need only go back a couple of centuries before Jesus.

When the empire of Alexander the Great was divided up, Palestine was first ruled by the Ptolemies of Egypt but then was taken by the Seleucids, who ruled from Syria. And although the Jews welcomed this change at first, the Hellenizing influence and religious persecution that these Seleucid rulers brought led to the wars that eventually won the Jews their independence. The account of the events leading up to and following these Jewish revolts are significant for our understanding of the religious life and leadership in Israel in the time of Jesus. It was a time of conflict and chaos, both on the political and religious scene. It was a time when foreign rulers influenced Jewish religion, even taking the authority to appoint the High Priests in Jerusalem; and subsequently, it was a time when the Jews' political leaders took that office to themselves. Out of these and other religious issues came the major Jewish sects.

The Seleucid Rule

At first, the Syrians exhibited tolerance for the Jews, especially with the rule of Seleuchus IVin187 B.C. But Seleuchus sent his son Demetrius to Rome to ransom his brother who was being held there as a hostage. Unfortunately, when Seleuchus was murdered in 175 B.C. this brother, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, took the throne and began the persecution of the Jews over their religion.

As part of an internal power play, and with the temple treasury as part of the prize, Antiochus replaced the High Priest Onias III with his [Onias'] brother Jason. This practice of a new ruler replacing a priest was fairly common in the ancient world; but it was new to the Jews whose Law stipulated a lifelong tenure for the High Priest. But Jason was more liberal; he began instituting many Hellenizing changes in society, even accommodating the Jewish faith to Greek ways. By changing the status of Jerusalem to a Greek city he increased its wealth, as well as his own and that of the other Hellenizers. His opponents could not accept these changes because to them the culture and the faith were inseparable. In their mind he was to be condemned for these changes (2 Macc. 4:11).

Apparently Jason outlived his usefulness for the Hellenizers eventually sought to be rid of him. And so around 170, Antiochus awarded Menelaus, a Benjamite, the High Priesthood in exchange for a bribe (2 Macc. 4:32-50). But when Antiochus was off fighting in Egypt, renewing the old rivalry with the Ptolemies, riots broke out in Jerusalem over the appointment (2 Macc. 4:25-26). When Antiochus returned from Egypt he was determined to subdue the Jews. His departure from Egypt was humiliating. He was forced to withdraw by a decision of the Roman Senate that upheld the stipulations of an earlier treaty. Brought down by the Romans, he was in no mood to be troubled by the Jews. When he came to Jerusalem he put down the rebellion and solidified the position of Menelaus (2 Macc. 5:11-21); he also stationed Gentile troops in Jerusalem who set up Syrian (Greek) gods in the Temple and defiled Jewish worship (1 Macc. 1:39). All of this divided the Jews between the Hellenizers, who cared little about religion, and the faithful (Hasidim as they were called), who were outraged. The Hellenizers won out and their opponents, mostly conservative priests and scribes, were forced out; but with this affront to Jewish worship the opposition took on a religious theme and fervor--they were now defending the Jewish faith, the Law of Moses, against pagans.

Antiochus proceeded to outlaw Jewish observances like circumcision, Sabbath-day observance, and temple ritual--in an effort to obliterate Yahwism. In December, 167, he offered pigs (a Greek custom) on the altar in Jerusalem (1Macc.1: 41-50); he also sacrificed to Zeus (1Macc.1: 54-59; 2 Macc. 6:2-5). Moreover, his governing policies brought cruelty to those who practiced Judaism.

The revolt came about 167 B.C. when the Jews had enough of the pagan worship of Antiochus. It actually began when an old priest and elder named Mattathias refused to make pagan sacrifices; he killed a fellow Israelite who (perhaps out of fear) tried to make the sacrifice, as well as the official who demanded it. Mattathias and his followers fled for safety. Their decision to fight to defend the faith was triggered by a Syrian slaughter of Jews over a conflict about work on the Sabbath (1 Macc. 2:31-38). Because of this the rebels decided that they would fight even on the Sabbath to save Judaism.

When Mattathias died in 166, his sons took up the fight, tearing down pagan altars and killing defecting Jews. Judas, his third son, took over the leadership, fought guerilla warfare against the Syrians, and was finally able to beat back the Syrian army, at least to the point of being able to take Jerusalem and force Syria to withdraw its rulings against Jewish religion (2 Macc. 9:19-27). The Temple was purified in 164 (an event commemorated by the Jewish feast of Hanukkah).

While Judas was able to gain religious freedom in that struggle, he was not able to attain the political freedom he sought in the subsequent years. In 162 when he tried to take the Akra, the citadel in Jerusalem (1 Macc. 6:18ff.), the Hellenizers appealed to the new Syrian king, Antiochus V, for military help. The conflict that followed led to a siege of Jerusalem at a time when food was already scarce because it was a Sabbatical year. But the siege ended suddenly when the Syrian throne was threatened by another individual claiming to be the rightful king. According to the settlement that was quickly reached Menelaus was executed, conditions were restored to what they were before the persecution of Antiochus IV, Judas became the head of the Jewish state, but Syria retained dominion and kept the citadel. With this change the Hellenizing party of Jews all but disappeared.

Demetrius, the legitimate heir to the Syrian throne, did overthrow Antiochus V. He attempted to appease the Jews by appointing a legitimate priest, Alcimus, to the office of High Priest (1 Macc. 7). But Alcimus, although popular with most of the Jews, had enemies. He was accused of having offered pagan sacrifices in the Temple. And in the squabble that ensued he made the mistake of executing sixty Hasidim who opposed him. Judas, one of those opposed to this priest, led a renewed rebellion against Syria and the Jewish apostates. But because these rebels were now only a minority, Judas had to obtain support from Rome through a treaty. It was a treaty that would benefit the Jews later but proved costly to Judas now, for by getting involved with Rome against Syria, he found himself in a bigger war, a war from which most his men fled, and in which he, courageous to the end, died in battle.

His brother Jonathan took over the leadership of the rebellion in 161; but because the Jews had their religion back he found that they were not that interested in continuing a political fight against Syria. Jonathan settled for peace with Syria in 156 and retired to his home.

But conflict soon arose over another appointment to the priesthood. Alexander Balas arrived in Syria in 152 to contend for the throne. He found in Jonathan an eager ally against the ruling power. So after his victory he rewarded Jonathan by appointing him High Priest in place of Alcimus, who had died. Gowan underscores this surprising turn of affairs: Jonathan, an anti-Syrian rebel and a conservative, had now accepted the appointment to the priesthood by a foreign king.¹ Jonathan, of course, was not a Zadokite priest; and it is possible that this appointment, or one of the several like it, was the occasion for the departure of many of the faithful for the desert. As we shall see, the Dead Sea scrolls refer to a "wicked priest," a non-Zadokite priest, as the reason for the community's withdrawing from temple worship.²

The Hasmonean Rule

With the Syrian throne in turmoil, the Jews and other states seized the opportunity to set up their little kingdoms. But Jonathan was caught and treacherously killed in 143 (1 Macc. 12).

Simon, the last of the sons of Mattathias, assumed the leadership in 143. According to 1 Maccabees13: 41-42, he was able to achieve political freedom for the Jews, freedom from tribute to Syria as well as and control of the citadel of Jerusalem. With him the Hasmonean Rule actually began (143-63 B.C.).³ But Jewish life under this regime was not much better than under Syria; it was fraught with corruption and intrigue.

Simon enjoyed peace in Judea because Syria was occupied elsewhere. In 140 he was proclaimed High Priest and Prince, thus joining the political and religious offices. He took the title Prince of the People. Since many followed a strict observance of the Torah, there was controversy. No doubt, some opposed the idea of a non-Davidic king, and others objected to a non-Zadokite priest; but one person being both King and High Priest--by self-proclamation--was also problematic. Then, to complicate matters, when Antiochus VII decided that he wanted his lands back war broke out again. His military effort against the Jews was feeble and failing--until someone murdered Simon and two of his sons in 134 (1 Macc. 16).

John Hyrcanus, the one son who was left alive, sought a treaty with Syria in order to stay in power. By the treaty Hyrcanus lost the Jewish independence and the nation became a vassal of Syria once again. But he was allowed to keep his kingdom, now limited to Judea, with the provision that the walls of Jerusalem be pulled down. The Jews were permitted to keep their religious feasts and observances. And John Hyrcanus was the High Priest. Since the Pharisees objected to this High Priest having temporal power, Hyrcanus allied himself with the Sadducees. In this event we find some of the earliest information about the disagreements between these two parties that were vying for power.

In 128 when the Seleucid Empire was disintegrating Hyrcanus used his military strength, largely made up of mercenaries, to capture Samaria and Idumea. He destroyed the Samaritan temple in a crushing blow that enflamed Samaritan bitterness toward the Jews, and he forced the Idumeans to convert to Judaism. Ironically, this Idumean policy would open the door later for Herod to claim to be a "Jew."

When Hyrcanus died in104, his will made his wife the ruler and his son Aristobulus the High Priest. But Aristobulus imprisoned her as well as his brothers and proclaimed himself king. He conquered Galilee, and continued the policy there of forced conversions to the Jewish faith. As a result, the Jews in Jerusalem held Galilean "Jews" in contempt (Jn. 1:46; 7:52). The reign of Aristobulus lasted only about a year.

Salome Alexandra, his widow, released the three brothers from prison. One of them, Alexander Janneus, assumed the office of High Priest. He then married Salome by the levirate marriage, which was unlawful for a High Priest to do, and through it he became king. He reigned from 103-76, extending the Jewish kingdom to its limits.

But Alexander Janneus had great contempt for ritual law; his participation was often half-hearted, and certainly offensive. On one occasion (ca. 90 B.C.) in contempt for the Pharisees he poured the libations of the Temple on his feet and was pelted with citrons by the people. In retaliation he ordered an attack on the people, and many were killed.

The "faithful" Jews tried even harder to get rid of him; in 88 they appealed to and allied themselves with Demetrius III of Syria. Alexander was soundly defeated; but the Jews, perhaps having second thoughts, decided that on the whole they preferred Hasmonean rule to Seleucid rule. So Alexander was retained as king. He immediately suppressed the insurrection by the conservatives, and to celebrate his victory he crucified 800 Jews, Pharisees probably, after having their wives and children butchered. Thousands fled the land (Ant 13, 14, 2; BJ 1, 93-98).

It is important to note that this early conservative opposition to the Hasmoneans was led by the Pharisees, both during the reigns of Hyrcanus and Janneus. It was the Sadducees who were allowed to determine policies, even though they were the minority. Nevertheless, on his deathbed Alexander reversed himself: he instructed his wife to align herself with the Pharisees because they were backed by the people.

His wife Salome Alexandra had married and outlived two kings; she was not now about to relinquish the throne to one of the sons, Aristobulus or Hyrcanus. As the new political ruler she made Hyrcanus the High Priest, obviously not being able to assume that office herself. She also made peace with the Pharisees as her husband had advised and allowed them to dominate government. Not surprisingly, they took the opportunity to get rid of their old enemies.

In 67 B.C., when the Queen died, Hyrcanus II held both offices of High Priest and King, but it was short-lived, three months to be exact. War broke out between the brothers over the throne. Most of the support, certainly the anti-Pharisaic party, went to Aristobulus who won rather easily and replaced his deposed brother for a short time as both ruler and High Priest. With his succession the Sadducees were once again in power.

Hyrcanus, however, was not through. He sought help from the Nabateans in Idumea. Antipater, the king of Idumea, served as his intermediary. He first persuaded Aretus, the Nabatean leader, to attack Palestine with massive power. Rome intervened and stopped the war and made Syria a Roman province. Moreover, Pompey decided in favor of Hyrcanus, largely through the effective appeal of Antipater. So Hyrcanus, the Pharisee, became the religious and political leaders, although he was stripped of his political power in 57 B.C.

The Roman Rule

By 63 B.C. Judea was clearly under Roman rule, although the Jews had a certain amount of freedom. Throughout the following years, up until 48, Aristobulus made several futile attempts to regain power. But this came to an end with the Roman civil war. Hyrcanus and Antipater supported Julius Caesar; for this they were rewarded well--Hyrcanus was made ethnarch as well as High Priest, and Antipater was made procurator of Judea. Caesar also made Antigonus, a son of Aristobulus, a governor, and placed Herod over Galilee.

After Julius Caesar was killed in 44 B.C., Palestine suffered under Cassius and then Antony. But in the year 40, when the Parthians invaded Syria and Palestine, Antigonus joined them and with their support captured Jerusalem. He then cut off the ears of Hyrcanus so that he could no longer serve as High Priest in that mutilated condition. Antigonus held control for three years until he was defeated by Herod and then beheaded by Rome.

When Herod destroyed Antigonus he brought the Hasmonean line to an end. It is unlikely that many mourned the end of an era that had non-Davidic kings, non-Zadokite priests, endless wars and much corruption in high places. But through their wars and policies of forced conversions, Idumea and Galilee were now part of the Jewish state along with Judea, with only the area of Samaria left out. Interestingly, with the loss of Judean autonomy, the Pharisees quit their political involvement and became more concerned with devotion to the Law. They no longer concerned themselves with who ruled the country, as long as they were allowed their religion. The Pharisees' retreat left room for the Sadducees in the governing class to exercise more control. Nevertheless, the Pharisees continued to represent essential Judaism. As for the Essenes, it seems that they became less monastic at about this time, possibly due in part to the end of the despised Hasmonean priesthood.

Having failed in their attempt at self-rule, the Jews now were to be subjected to foreign rule once again. Herod was their king, but Rome held the power. And this Herod was the son of Antipater the Idumean, a descendant of Edom--Esau of all people! Antipater had seen to it that Herod was made governor in Galilee; but Herod was a diplomat in his own right. Not only did he gain the favor of Caesar, he also found favor with Cassius and Antony: in 40 B.C. with the help of bribes he was able to obtain the appointment as King of Judea; and with the help of Rome he was able to take control of the kingdom by defeating Antigonus. In the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C. Herod found himself on the losing side with his support of Antony and Cleopatra. But he managed to convince Octavian (Augustus) that he could be just as loyal to him.

So Herod remained a vassal under Rome; he was limited in making wars and treaties, but he was free from tribute and had the right to levy taxes. He embarked on an enormous building program to make Palestine a prestigious Hellenistic state. Even though he did not live the Jewish faith, he tried to represent himself as a Jew. He tore down the500yearoldTempleandbeganbuildinganewonetomatchhisother building projects. As part ofthisappealtotheJewshewascarefultodoitaccordingtoJewishlaws, using consecrated priests trained to do much of the work. But his pagan ways and his sinful life drew much opposition. He may have found favor with Rome, and he may have sought to appease the Jews, but he still made enemies on every level, including his own family.

Herod tried to link himself to the Hasmoneans by marrying Mariamme, the daughter of Hyrcanus II and the niece of his enemy Antigonus. He still needed to replace the mutilated priest, and so he used this chance to appease the pious Jews who thought he was a half-Jew, an Idumean, and a friend of the Romans. He chose Hananeel, a Zadokite of Babylon. But after great opposition to this selection, he yielded and made the popular Aristobulus the High Priest—whom he subsequently drowned while swimming. Claiming to be innocent and displaying great sadness, he was able to gain acquittal from Rome for this crime, probably through a bribe.

By eliminating the Hasmoneans Herod brought to an end the line of royal priests. He appointed seven high priests during his tenure; consequently, there were a number of ex-high priests around in the days of Jesus. Annas served from 6-15, and his son-in-law, Caiaphas, who tried Jesus, served from 18-36. Herod and his successors, Archaelaus and the procurators, controlled the High Priests by retaining all their garments and implements until needed.

Herod's reign was contemptible in the eyes of the righteous. He interfered with the High Priesthood, appointing priests and deposing them at will. He was accommodating to pagan ways, making temples and athletic arenas in the Roman mode. And even though he was a powerful and effective ruler, he was also ruthless and cruel. He was responsible for the death of his wife Mariamme, as well as several of his own sons and relatives. It is not hard to imagine how such a man could command the killing of the innocent children when he heard of the birth of a king (Mt. 2).

But even though Herod ruled as a tyrant and levied heavy taxes, he did create a kingdom with magnificent buildings, garrisons, and a harbor at Caesarea. But probably most significantly, he gave the people a generation of peace, something they had not had for ages. After what the Jews had been through for decades before, this time was most welcome.

Herod died in 4 B.C. (thus the birth of Jesus would have occurredinlate5 B.C. or early 4 B.C.). His will made his son Archelaus king, and his other sons tetrarchs, Antipas in Galilee and Perea, and Philip in the northeast. Augustus ratified the will, but reduced Archelaus to ethnarch of Judea, Samaria and Idumea. Archaelaus had a cruel reign of about ten years, 4 B.C. to 6 A.D. He angered the Jews by marrying his brother's widow and deposing High Priests; he was subsequently banished by Rome.

From 6 to 66 A.D. Judea was under the authority of prefects or procurators who ruled from Caesarea Maritima ("by the sea"). Most of them were powerful military governors, but were not very wise or capable men in other respects. Some of the policies at the very beginning prompted the formation of the zealot movement. And later, Pontius Pilate had nothing but trouble during his ten years in Palestine (from 26-36). In fact, he was removed by Rome for cruelty (murder, rape, bribery, oppression and the like), which must have been excessive because Rome itself was not known for softness.

The other brothers lasted longer. Philip had a long reign in the northeast territories (from 4 B.C. to 34 A.D.). Herod Antipas also held on to his territory for a number of years (until about 40 A.D.). Antipas is known in the Bible for his deposing of his wife and marrying his brother's wife, Herodias. John the Baptist preached against his evil practices and was beheaded (Mt. 14:1-12). Jesus referred to Herod Antipas as "that fox" (Lk. 13:32). But his only encounter with the king was at his trial: Herod was in Jerusalem as part of his pilgrimage, and Pilate, who had the jurisdiction, sent Jesus to him, perhaps trying to avoid the decision, or perhaps out of professional courtesy (Lk. 23:6-12). Herod took no action.

When Philip died, Herod Agrippa I, a grandson of Herod the Great, replaced him. Agrippa was a good friend of Caligula in Rome; and when he became emperor he gave Agrippa the tetrarchy as well as the title of king (34 A.D.). This made Agrippa's sister Herodias jealous; she persuaded her husband, Antipas, to seek royal status also. But Agrippa persuaded Caligula of the evils of Antipas and got him banished to Gaul. By 41 A.D. Agrippa had been given all the territory of Antipas as well as Samaria, Judea and Idumea. While this king seems to have been the least offensive of the lot, he did persecute the Christians, putting James to death (Acts 12:l-3). But then in the height of his pride he was struck down by God and suffered a horrible death himself (Acts 12:20-23; also discussed by Josephus).

Claudius made the kingdom a province under procurators. And with Jewish zeal for independence rising once again, these governors did little to appease the people. Two of them, Felix and Festus, mentioned in the Book of Acts, were basically despots who paved the way for the war that marked the end of the Jewish state.

Herod Agrippa II, the son of Agrippa I, was made the king of Philip's tetrarchy and the guardian of the temple with the right to appoint the High Priest. Even though this was meant by Rome to appease the Jews, it did not work. He was as bad as the others; and in the war of 66-70 he sided with Rome. It was this Agrippa who heard Paul's speech (Acts 26).

There were two major wars with Rome that brought an end to the Jewish state. The first war came in 66 A.D. It was over in 70 with the capture of Jerusalem; but the Zealots dragged it on until 73. The political situation leading up to the war was about the same as it had been, but the excesses of the governors and the temper of the zealots were sufficient to ignite the conflict. When the temple treasury was diverted into Roman hands, the people reacted strongly and were met with retaliation. The governor of Syria could not quell the rebellion, and so in 67 Vespasian came and subdued Galilee. In Jerusalem the Zealots took complete charge of the war effort, but while they were doing this Vespasian gained control of all the surrounding area. In the middle of69 Vespasian returned to Rome and left the siege of Jerusalem to his son Titus. Five months later the city was taken, the temple burned, the people killed or imprisoned, and most of the city leveled. The war was over except for the strongholds still in Jewish hands, Masada being the last to fall in 73.

The land was devastated by this war. Judaism survived, of course, but without the temple, the priests, or the sacrifices. The pious were left to develop the new form of the religion, making use of the Synagogue for the study of the Scriptures and the keeping of the Law. A new Council was organized in Jamnia, near Joppa. And the leaders now were known as rabbis, since the political parties and their controversies ceased with the destruction of Jerusalem.

The second war, the great war of Rome and the Jews, came in the days of Hadrian. Under Trajan there were many conflicts between Jews and Greeks that were met by harsh punishment from Rome. Old issues from the first war were still unresolved, and Zealot refugees stirred up the hatred. Moreover, Jewish Messianic enthusiasm was growing. When Hadrian replaced Trajan it appeared that better times lay ahead; but those hopes were quickly dashed. Hadrain soundly defeated all the Jewish groups, with hundreds of thousands of Jews killed in the slaughter. Hadrian prohibited Jewish customs, especially circumcision, and made plans to build a temple to Jupiter on the temple mount. The unrest broke into war all over the land in 131 and continued until 135 when the final blow came. It was finally over. The land would now be known as Palestine—Hadrian named it that in view of the connection to Troy via the Philistines. Jerusalem was rebuilt as a Roman colony and Jews were prohibited from entering it. And rabbinic religious activity that stayed in the land moved to Tiberias in Galilee.

Concluding Observations

For two hundred years before and one hundred years after the birth of Christ, the Jewish people saw very little peace and even less autonomy. They were forced to live as the people of God under the domination of foreign powers with all their pagan activities and contempt for the Jews. They never gave up the dream or the fight for Jewish independence, even though they could not possibly have achieved it by their own sword.

Among the Jews themselves there was a constant struggle for the political and religious power. The Jewish religious parties had a long history of conflict in these arenas, and many of their distinctive ideas were formulated as a result of the struggle. The office of the High Priest seems to have been at the heart of the conflict. It achieved extensive powers beyond what the Law had prescribed; but it was continually occupied by people totally unqualified for the position of the religious leader of the nation. No doubt there were many good and righteous leaders in the land, but the ones that come to the fore knew nothing apparently of the genuine piety and humility and integrity that God had required in leaders. Even the efforts by the righteous Jews to bring about compliance with the Law were so complicated, improperly focused, or unbalanced, that the people were unable to follow them successfully. With the religious leadership in such disarray and the spiritual needs of the people being largely unmet, the work of the Messiah would have to be spiritual before it could be political. But then that had always been the divine plan.

¹ Donald E. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments (Pittsburgh: The Pickwick Press, 1980), p. 105).

² Ibid., p. 105.

³ The name for this dynasty comes from the ancestral name Hasmon. The name Maccabee is a nickname, meaning "the hammer." So the title "Hasmoneans" is preferred.

One of the major difficulties in describing the Sadducees is that all that we know about them comes from their opponents. They themselves left no written records of their history, their organization, or their views. They appear on the scene just before the great schism between the Hellenizers and the Hasidim, and they disappear as a group in the great destruction of 70 A.D. But judging from the comments in the New Testament, the Mishnah, and Josephus, they do form a formidable group.

The Name "Sadducees"

There is no doubt that the name "Sadducees" is related to the Hebrew verbal form sadaq (tsahdak), "to be righteous." But exactly how it is related is unclear. The most common suggestion is to associate it with the personal name Zadok; but if it is connected to this name, whether the Zadok of the Solomonic times, or a later Zadok, the doubling of the second consonant is difficult to explain etymologically. At present there is no satisfactory analysis available for the name.

The Origin of the Sadducees

The meaning of the name is related to theories about the origin of the sect. One theory, referred to above, is that the Sadducees were named after Zadok, the father of the priestly families in Solomon's time; it would then be a fitting name for the party in Jerusalem that was characterized for so long as priestly.¹ But this cannot be easily developed, for there is no evidence for it. Besides, not all the Sadducees were priests, and some of the members of the community at Qumran were priests of the Zadokite line. Moreover, the Hasmoneans brought an end to the Zadokite priesthood as well as the Hellenizers. That would leave the use of the name Sadducees as a title without actual substance.

A second view is that they were named after Zadok, a disciple of Antigonus of Socho. Antigonus taught Boethus and Zadok; his teaching stressed that they should serve God with no thought of reward;² because of this, the theory goes, they concluded that he did not believe in resurrection or life after death. Boethus formed the Boethusians, who may have been the Herodians of the New Testament; the son of Boethus was appointed High Priest by Herod. The other disciple, Zadok, would have been one of the early leaders in the party that took his name.

A third view is that the name is simply related to saddiq, "righteous ones" (saddiqim for the plural).³ This would be similar to and in contrast to the hasidim, the "pious ones," the early title for the group out of which developed the Pharisees.⁴ But this view, like the others, is etymologically difficult; the spelling of the name "Sadducee" suggests that the name is a passive--"righteous ones" would be active.

These are the possible meanings of the name of the sect. And so without any convincing solution to the problem of the name of the Sadducees, we must be satisfied to turn our attention to the few brief descriptions of the sect. Here too these descriptions raise additional questions about their beliefs.

The Nature of the Sadducees

Most treatments about the Sadducees assume that all Chief Priests and other leaders of Judaism were Sadducees.⁵ The text of Josephus does not say that; it says only that those priests who were Sadducees came from the governing class. Josephus only once refers to an individual Sadducee, Ananus the High Priest.⁶ His identification fits the class--he was from the highest level of society and was stern injustice.⁷ Probably a relatively small number of the governing class was Sadducean, but we have no way of knowing the numbers.

The Sadducean party was generally the party of the wealthy aristocrats. This is not actually stated in the sources; but it is a reasonable conclusion given the fact that they lived near the Temple and saw more of their needs fully satisfied by having their lives intertwine with the nobility.⁸ Josephus says they were able to persuade none but the rich,⁹ meaning among other things that they had a small following of their peers, whereas the Pharisees were backed by the masses. The party may have originally developed out of the conservative members of the aristocracy, the supporters of Onias III.¹⁰ And while it certainly had the confidence of the rich, not all the Sadducees were rich.

Many priests belonged to the Sadducees according to Josephus,¹¹ but not all priests were Sadducees. The New Testament shows a close association between the Priests and the Sadducees (Acts 4:1 and 5:17). According to Josephus, Ananus, a Sadducee, had five sons who all became High Priests. While it is probable that the members of the priestly aristocracy were Sadducees, many priests were Pharisees. It was the priests of the Pharisees who were sent to question John (Jn. 1:19-24). And according to Acts 23, both Sadducees and Pharisees made up the Sanhedrin because Paul rallied the members who were Pharisees to his side.

The Sadducees held more of the leadership positions, but most frequently had to submit to the demands of the Pharisees.¹² Because the people backed the Pharisees, the Sadducees were forced to observe the Pharisees' oral tradition. This they did not wish to do; they preferred to be unconstrained by customs and deal with the written law only. Written laws left uninterpreted were vague, which would mean that they were free to decide what they meant.¹³ But the Pharisees usually got their way, even when a Sadducee was High Priest. According to Yoma 1:5,whenthe High Priest was a Sadducee, the Pharisees compelled him to burn incense according to their view of Leviticus 16:13--after he had entered the Holy of Holies. According to Yoma 19b, one Sadducee explained that they complied because they were afraid of the Pharisees.

The descriptions from the literature paint the Sadducees as nasty and arrogant because they had power and competed with others for it;¹⁴ they were called boorish, rude to their peers as aliens, and quick to dispute with the teachers of the path they follow.¹⁵

The Teachings of the Sadducees

Scripture and Tradition. The Sadducees had what has been called a conservative attitude toward Scripture--they restricted authority to the written law interpreted literally, and were not open to change. But the question that is raised concerns how much of the Scripture they accepted as God's Word. We know from Josephus that they hated the traditions of the Pharisees, accepting only the written law.¹⁶ From this expression in Josephus, and the fact that Jesus limited Himself to the Pentateuch in debating the Sadducees, the Church Fathers concluded that the Sadducees only accepted the Law of Moses as Scripture.¹⁷ But this may be a misunderstanding on the part of the Fathers. When Josephus says that they rejected all but the written law, he probably meant that they did not permit legal or doctrinal deductions from the prophets. He most likely meant that they opposed unwritten traditions. According to the Talmud, in the debates the Sadducees were attacked from other books of the Bible and used them themselves in their arguments. This strongly suggests that they viewed them as Scripture as well.

The Pharisees had a large body of oral interpretation that had become binding. It was this that the Sadducees opposed. But the idea that the Sadducees took the Scripture literally and rejected oral law is not accurate; all the Jewish groups began with the literal text and added their understanding of it to justify their way of life.¹⁸ The Sadducees had their own halakah; but they did not claim that it was divinely authoritative as the Pharisees had done for their interpretations.¹⁹ Although the Sadducees held Scripture as the sole authority, they also believed that it should be modified by logic, especially in matters of doctrine. And if the interpretations of the Pharisees were not binding, then others could decide for themselves what it meant. In this the Sadducees would not be viewed as conservatives by the Pharisees, for in their opinion the Sadducees were not safeguarding the traditional faith.

The Sadducees like all Jews believed that the Torah, the Law of Moses, was on a much higher plane than the rest of the Scriptures.²⁰ So there is no clear evidence from their arguments that they held less of the canon than the Pharisees. Apocalyptic material, or any Greek syncretism, they rejected outright. It may be that the Sadducees believed that only the Torah was canonical, or that the Torah was vastly more important than other Scripture, but there is simply no evidence for this. However, their major complaint that the Pharisees extended the "canon" with their interpretations can be demonstrated. The Sadducees rightly rejected the oral law of the Pharisees, but perhaps because they wanted the freedom to follow their own.

One of the areas of debate between the Sadducees and the Pharisees concerned the calendar. Leviticus 23:15-16 began the tabulation for the Feast of Weeks using the expression "on the day after the Sabbath." The Sadducees said that "Sabbath" meant the Sabbath, and so the feast of Weeks always fell on a Sunday. But the Pharisees ruled that "Sabbath" was the first day of Passover, whatever that day was, and so the feast of Weeks could actually come on any day.²¹ Sandmel observes in conjunction with this that calendars are always high profile debates; until Nicea, Easter was on Sunday of the Passover week, but Nicea freed it from the Jewish calendar.²²

Human Freedom and Determinism. According to Josephus,²³ the three major sects disagree on the human will: the Essenes are very deterministic, the Pharisees try to combine determinism and free will, but the Sadducees believed that all human affairs result from human freedom. The question here is whether or not Josephus is making the distinctions too fine in order to harmonize the ideas with Greek philosophy. It may be that the Sadducees' strictness gave the idea they were limited to free will--they reasoned too much out. The fact that the Sadducees did not believe in God's apocalyptic intervention in history could have given the impression that they denied fate and saw everything under human control.²⁴

Resurrection. The evidence is clear that the Sadducees denied the doctrine of the resurrection. Acts 23:6-8 records how this issue divided the Sanhedrin, for it was the Pharisees who believed in the resurrection of the dead and the immortality of the soul. Matthew 22:23 and Acts 4:1-2 also refer to the Sadducees in this way. It is probably because the resurrection was so critical for Christianity that the New Testament focuses on this point.

Josephus confirms that the Sadducees denied the resurrection, the immortality of the soul, eternal rewards, or the "world to come."²⁵ The Sadducees kept their focus on the status quo of the nation of Israel in this world and not the next.

There are some of references in the Mishnah that also convey this tradition about their beliefs. According to Beracoth 9:5,the blessing ends with "from everlasting." But because the Sadducees said that there was only one world, to guard against this idea the sages changed the blessing to "everlasting to everlasting." More importantly, however, is Sanhedrin 10:1,whichrecords the general belief that all Israel has a portion in the world to come. It then lists those who do not, and the Sadducees are listed because they do not believe there is such.

The doctrine of the resurrection is hinted at in the earlier Old Testament, but clearly taught in Daniel.²⁶ It may be that the Sadducees did not put much stock in this work in that it is so apocalyptic.

Gowan thinks that it was late and not available to them in their formative thinking;²⁷ but surely, even if a late date is taken for Daniel, the ideas it reflects were in the air long before these debates. And if Daniel was actually written earlier, then there was sufficient time for the teaching to be part of the Jewish faith. Saldarini, reflecting the common view, does not like the idea that belief in the afterlife was established in Judaism by the second century.²⁸ The Pharisees surely seem to have thought it was. But the Sadducees were conservative; they probably would not have accepted anything that came from apocalyptic literature or that might not have been clearly formulated in the earliest times. Yet, the main issue is more likely whether or not it was clearly taught in the Law—that was the issue for any Jew. It is interesting to note that according to Sanhedrin 90b, the Pharisees proved resurrection from Exodus 15:l. We shall return to this point later.

Angels. The doctrine of angelology is more difficult. Acts 23:8 says that the Sadducees did not believe in angels. Gowan thinks there is something missing in this statement, because angels are clearly revealed in the Old Testament, especially the Pentateuch, and since the Sadducees accepted that they would have believed in angels. But this argument is not convincing, since it is possible not to believe in things clearly revealed.²⁹ Gowan suggests that what might be meant is an elaborate angelology, but he rejects this, observing that the Mishnah never mentions angels either. Rather, he thinks that the two clauses go together, and that the doctrine of angels that the Sadducees rejected refers to the idea that the dead were changed into angels.³⁰

The Sadducees pictured God and humans as independent and distant, both in this life and the next. Rewards for righteousness were in this life, and hence they were keen on wealth and influence as evidence of divine blessing.

Concluding Observations

The reaction to the Sadducees was predictable. If they were not actually despised by the Pharisees and by the people, they were merely tolerated.³¹ In the pseudepigraphical work The Psalms of Solomon, written in the middle of the first century B.C., the Sadducees are simply called sinners (4:2ff). In the Mishnah the Sadducees are listed with the ignorant of the laws, the deaf mute, imbecile, and minor, because they would not admit to the legality of the ruling about the erub. Niddah 4:2 affirms that the daughter of a Sadducee is equal to a Cuthean or Samaritan woman, probably because the Sadducees were lax in their purity laws. In fact, the Sadducees are grouped together with the Samaritans and the Sectarians (minim, or "infidels," a term used for the Jewish Christians; see Beracoth 9:5). In the later Rabbinic literature they are painted in more lurid colors, as if they were heretics, not even Jews; Saldarini concludes that this is not accurate, but that the statements form a strong defense against the Sadducees.³²

So the Sadducees were the religious and political sect that was largely made up of wealthy, conservative aristocrats, many of them priests. They frequently held high offices in the Temple, and with them a good bit of influence. They objected to unwritten traditions, because they preferred to have the freedom to interpret the Scriptures as they wished. They denied resurrection, immortality of the soul, rewards in the life to come, and angels in some sense. Their influence diminished until they disappeared by 70 A.D.

Saldarini adds that to outsiders the differences between Pharisees and Sadducees may appear to be minor; but "within the community such differences typically produce fierce conflicts over control and influence … ."³³

There are Christians today who are very much like the Sadducees of old, although not in every sense. Although they claim to be Christian, they do not actually believe in the resurrection, especially the resurrection of Jesus. And to them, doctrines of angels (and demons) are mythical expressions from a primitive mentality. Their form of Christianity has been submitted to modern reason, with the result that a host of biblical teachings from miracles to rules for purity have been severed from the conservative interpretations and applications and given new focus. Of course, many conservatives view such "Christians" as unbelievers, followers of another faith entirely. But it is often difficult to know what the modern liberal actually believes.

The problem is that many who believe like this are in positions of leadership in the churches, seminaries, and denominations. They might not be wealthy (not all the Sadducees were); but because they are well educated they seem to reflect an aristocratic view of themselves, that they are above the common Christian's simplistic faith. Their education and their position has probably created stumbling blocks for their faith; but unfortunately it has also impressed many others and gained for them a following. Their claim to be able to retrieve the true core of Christianity may simply be a foil for rejecting what they are unable to believe or unwilling to practice.

¹ IDB, s.v. "Sadducees," by A. G. Sundberg, 4:160.

² Aboth de R. Nathan, c. 5.

³ Edersheim, Life and Times, I:323.

⁴ Sandmel wonders if it might not also be a derisive epithet used in scorn--"self-styled righteous" (p. 156).

⁵ Saldarini lists a variety of the views, ancient and modern, about the Sadducees (p. 299).

⁶ Josephus, Antiquities, 20.9.1 (199-203).

⁷ Saldarini. p. 299.

⁸ Sandmel, p. 157.

⁹ Josephus, Antiquities, 13.10.6.

¹⁰ Gowan, p. 185.

¹¹ Josephus, Antiquities, 20.9.1.

¹² Josephus, Antiquities, 18.1.4.

¹³ Saldarini, p. 117.

¹⁴ Saldarini, p. 300.

¹⁵ Ibid., 110.

¹⁶ Josephus, Antiquities 13.10.6 [403].

¹⁷ Moore, Judaism, I:68.

¹⁸ Saldarini, p. 303.

¹⁹ Gowan, p. 182.

²⁰ Oesterly and Box, The Religion and the Worship of the Synagogue, pp. 27, 138.

²¹ Sandmel, p. 158.

²² Ibid., p. 440.

²³ Josephus, Wars, 2.8.14 [162-166]; Antiquities, 18.1.3-4 [12-17].

²⁴ Saldarini, p. 300.

²⁵ Josephus, Antiquities, 18.1.4 [16]; Wars, 2.8.14 [165].

²⁶ There are many passages that seem to included the idea of resurrection, and certainly immortality. The problem is that passages like Psalm 49 and Psalm 73 use language that in other passages can be interpreted differently (see the discussion in A. F. Kirkpatrick, The Book of Psalms [Cambridge: At the University Press, 1930], pp. xcv-xcvii). And certainly the desire to be buried in the land had for its reason a hope in the future. But such intimations did not clearly express that the dead will rise, as did the statement in Daniel.

²⁷ Gowan, p. 183. Did they recognize Daniel as Scripture? The Essenes surely did; and there was no question of it raised in debate. But still, the acid test for any Jew was whether or not it was in the Law (Sandmel, p. 157).

²⁸ Saldarini, p. 307.

²⁹ Gowan, p. 184.

³⁰ Gowan, p. 184; see also Solomon Zeitlin, "The Sadducees and the Belief in Angels," JBL 83 (1964):67-71.

³¹ Josephus, Antiquities, 18.1.4; 13.10.6.

³² Saldarini, p. 302.

³³ Saldarini, p. 305.

The Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered in the caves around Qumran on the northwest shores of the Dead Sea in 1945.¹ In all there were over 400 manuscripts from eleven caves.

From archaeology we know that there were three occupations of the community. A few coins and sherds from the early era show that the community began to flourish in the reign of Hyrcanus (134-104 B.C.).² While there may have been an earlier and continual dwelling on the site, the first major community was built around 110 and flourished until an earthquake in 31 B.C. ripped through it and cracked the cisterns. A few people continued living there among the ruins, but there was an interval in the occupation because of the absence of coins of Herod and the infrequent number of manuscripts. The reign of Archelaus gave them reason to rebuild for the second occupation was from 4 B.C. until 68 A.D. The third occupation was Roman.

So the evidence of archaeology and the scrolls points to the same time that Josephus describes the Essenes; and the location is the same as that given in Pliny.

The Scrolls

The Rule of the Congregation, also known as The Manual of Discipline, first states the aim of the community: to leave the evil way and serve God in accordance with the Law of Moses, seeking the pure life and hating the sons of disobedience. Then the scroll describes the ceremony of admission, the annual census, and the common life.

Instruction concerning the two spirits forms a major part of the scroll. God the creator allotted two spirits to man, which constantly struggle. One is truth, whose origin is the fountain of life, and this has dominion over all the princes of light. The other is perversity from the power of darkness, and it is in the hand of the Angel of darkness. For those in the right path there is bliss, perpetual life and joy, and everlasting light. The reward for evil is the blow of the Angel of destruction in the everlasting pit by God's wrath. God has set an end for all perversity--he will at that time destroy it forever.³

After this instruction in theology the Rule spells out the discipline of the community. Those converted from evil became a community of law under the authority of the sons of Zadok, priests who kept covenant. In the oath the newcomer promised to obey all that was revealed to the Zadokites about the Law of Moses, and to be separated from men who walk in wickedness. For the first year the newcomer could not touch the purification of the Many; after that all his wages and property would be mingled with the community's, but he would spend another year of testing before coming to the meal.

Reproof for misconduct was with humility and love and not with anger, disrespect, or a spirit of wickedness. The scroll lists different errors with their punishments; for example, saying the holy name, death, but if accidental, dismissal; falling asleep during instruction, ten days' separation; malice, revenge, and foolish words, three months; going naked before another, six months; or murmuring, final dismissal.

In sum, the community was a Jewish sect that went into the wilderness to prepare the way. The members were priests, Levites, common people, women and children included; but the priests were prominent. They looked for two messiahs, a priestly messiah and a messiah of Israel, probably a ruler.⁴ The Law was supreme; nevertheless there was no reference to animal sacrifice. There was a strong emphasis on election, but with human responsibility.⁵

In the additional Rule of Annexe and the Benedictions, there is recorded the procedure when Adonai shall have begotten the Messiah among them. The priest enters at the head of the congregation, then the heads of the sons of Aaron, and then the Messiah, followed by the chiefs of the tribes, the wise men and the holy. When they gather for the community table, no one may reach for food before the priest stretches out his hand over the food, and then the Messiah will do the same.⁶

The Habakkuk Commentary offers interpretations on the biblical text. The members of the community believed that these interpretations (called pesher) of mysteries (called raz) were revealed to the chosen interpreter, the Teacher of Righteousness.⁷ But in addition the community thought it stood in the prophetic line of Daniel;⁸ Daniel wrote, "None of the wicked shall understand, but those who are wise (maskilim) shall understand" (Dan. 12:10). They believed they were in the end times and that they were the maskilim, for secrets and their interpretations were revealed to them.

The scroll refers to the Kittim as the enemies of Israel. Although the term in the Old Testament refers to Cyprus, it receives a wider use in the scrolls, namely, ruthless pagan warriors trampling over the land and its inhabitants, sacrificing to military standards, using weapons of war as objects of worship. Since the commentary was written around 63 B.C., the immediate reference was to the Romans.⁹

But the scroll also mentions the "Teacher of Righteousness," who arose in opposition to the teacher of falsehood, and founded the community.¹⁰ Such a title could be used of many different individuals at different times;¹¹ but this individual was the founder, a priest who received divine revelation, an interpreter whose interpretations were binding, and a strict ascetic. The references show how high this holy person stood in their memory.

The source of all the troubles was the "Wicked Priest." This individual began well, but soon forsook God and the Law, amassing wealth by violence and becoming famous for wickedness.¹² It may be that he slew the Teacher, for the commentary refers to the iniquity he did to him, for which God humbled him with a devastating blow.

The task is to fit all these titles and events together to identify the persons and therefore the founding of the community. It is a sad commentary that there is no lack of candidates for the role of the wicked priest. One view is that the events are pre-Maccabean, that the wicked priest was Menelaus who desecrated the Temple, and caused Onias III, the High Priest, to flee, leaving the priesthood without a Zadokite. A second view is that the wicked priest was Hyrcanus (134-104), who broke with the Pharisees. A man named Judas who demanded that Hyrcanus lay aside the priesthood would then be the founder of the Essenes. Another view is that the wicked priest was Aristobulus I in view of the infliction of diseases he experienced before his death. A fourth view is that the wicked priest was Alexander Jannaeus, who was delivered into the hands of his enemies, but escaped; because the people hated him so much he massacred the Pharisees.

Another view with more connecting links puts it in the time of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus II. The comments on Habakkuk 2:7-8 refer to the "last priests of Jerusalem" who amassed wealth by plundering (which could be the tribute of 63 B.C.). Hyrcanus II would then be the wicked priest. The comment on Habakkuk 1:13b says that the "House of Absalom" was silent when the charges were made against the Teacher. This might refer to Absalom, the uncle and father-in-law of Aristobulus II.¹³

While this view is appealing, Milik makes a stronger case with his description of the earlier period:¹⁴ The Hasidim of the Maccabean period was a group drawn from the priesthood and laity; they broke with the Maccabeans and supported Alcimus, the ungodly but Aaronite nominee for priest by the Seleucid king.¹⁵ But when Alcimus turned on them and slaughtered sixty people, part of the faithful abandoned Jerusalem for the wilderness commune. They disapproved of Hellenism; they disapproved of ruling priests, they disagreed over the calendar, and they were stunned by the unworthy conduct of the new priests, especially since many of them were priests themselves.

Milik focuses on two important facts about the wicked priest: 1) he rebuilt Jerusalem, and 2) he died in torment in captivity. Jonathan (160-142) rebuilt the city; and Balas gave him the priesthood in 152. His involvement in Syrian politics brought in a process of secularization. The Kittim of Assyria (usually read Syria) would then be the major enemies referred to when the Jews abandoned Jerusalem for their desert home. And finally, the Essenes are first mentioned during the reign of Jonathan.¹⁶

Although one cannot be dogmatic, this last view makes the best sense. But one must not miss the point--the controversy was basically over the priesthood, its power and its degeneration.

The War Scroll offers a description of the final war, real or unreal, between the righteous and the wicked, drawing on eschatological passages from the Old Testament. The righteous are called "sons of light," for they were led by the spirit of truth; they were the Jews of Levi, Judah, and Benjamin, those that were true to David, the true line of Israel. The "children of darkness" refers to Edom, Moab, and Amon, the immediate enemies, as well as the Kittim of Syria and Egypt, Greek powers ultimately.

The Temple Scroll has a large section of instructions for the rebuilding of the Temple. The community viewed it as the missing law of 1 Chronicles 28:19, the plans given to Solomon. But the plans do not fit Solomon's, or Zerubbabel's, or Herod's temples--the author had in mind a future temple.

Concluding Observations

Millar Burrows summarizes the comparison between the Essenes described by the historians and the material from the scrolls with a cautionary note: "The current tendency to use the term 'Essene' in a broad way to include the Qumran sect along with others of the same general character is not seriously objectionable … we may consider it possible, though by no means certain, that Josephus was thinking of the Qumran community when he wrote of the `other order' of Essenes, which practiced marriage. It is thoroughly possible, even probable, that Pliny's Essenes were the men of Qumran. One must still, however, protest … the assumption that both bodies of data apply to one and the same group."¹⁷

What are the difficulties in equating the Qumran community with the Essenes? First, the name "Essene" is not used in the scrolls; second, there is a greater sectarianism at Qumran than among other Essenes who lived in towns; third, at Qumran the oath was central for admission, but else where it came at different times; fourth, the group at Qumran was under a hierarchical order of priests, something not mentioned of the Essenes; fifth, the Essenes sent gifts to the Temple (but did not go to sacrifice), but Qumran repudiated the Temple; and sixth, the later works of the scrolls are more militant than some think the Essenes were.

To explain these inconsistencies we must remember that the community concealed things from outsiders; the scrolls, then, being the product of the community, should provide additional and sometimes different information. We must also recall that Josephus and Philo were coloring things for the Greek readers.

The similarities make it clear that this was an order of Essenes: first, the location fits the reference in Pliny; second, the description fits well--purity, asceticism, a common life, care for the sick and aged, but division over marriage and children; third, both groups have washings and lustrations; fourth, admission was by graded examination periods; fifth, both have a common meal, with Qumran giving more details; sixth, the Qumran community was in the prophetic line, interpreting mysteries and seeing visions of the end times, and the Essenes were known to interpret dreams and predict events; seventh, both groups had a hierarchical system with strict rules and rigid discipline; eighth, the Essenes believed in fate (as Josephus saw it), and predestination was strongly held at Qumran; ninth, both groups refused to sacrifice in the Temple, strictly observed the Sabbath, and loved to study the ancient books.

The Bible does not refer to the Essenes or to the community at Qumran directly. Yet there are indications that John the Baptist might have had contact with such a group in his early years. John was born into a priestly family in a nation that was divided over the priesthood; his father expressed great expectations with his birth.¹⁸ He apparently seceded from that role. Luke 1:80 says that John was in the wilderness until the day of his manifestation. There is no indication of when he left home; but it is reasonable to conclude from this that he spent most of his youthful years there, a belief that has led to the speculation that his parents died and the Essenes cared for him and trained him.¹⁹ His parents were old at his birth.

Not only did he live in the wilderness, he was an ascetic, clothed with camel's hair and eating locusts and wild honey (Mk. 1:6). The Damascus Document mentions locusts as an active diet (XII, 14). Nothing is said of honey; but many Essenes were bee-keepers and knew how to handle such liquids. John came preaching as a voice in the wilderness (Isa. 40:3); this phrase was used in the Rule of the Congregation (VIII, 14andIX,19) for the purpose of the community (with a little different meaning). And of course John's ministry included baptism, within ten miles of Qumran. Finally, John's denunciation of the Pharisees and the Sadducees would have been perfectly acceptable to the Essenes. The fact that Essenes are not mentioned in Matthew 3:17 may be significant.

But John was no Essene. His baptism was unto repentance, but the community's was a repeated lustration to maintain purity. John was called to evangelistic efforts, but they were cloistered, refusing to give secrets to the wicked. And, of course, John saw Jesus as the Messiah, the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world. As far as we know, the people in Qumran did not--they remained a Jewish sect until the end of the Roman wars.

With Jesus there are even more differences with the Essenes: He was no ascetic, He was not a legalist, He was not bothered by oil, He did not separate Himself from the Temple, and He was not secretive about His message. He did, of course, withdraw from the crowds and the cities for prayer and renewal. But this is not the same as living in a community. The differences between the Essenes and Jesus will be developed in subsequent chapters.

Down through the history of the Church there have been groups of Christians who separated themselves from the unholy cities and formed such communities, calling them by a variety of names to reflect the nature of their orders. Their purposes and functions were not unlike those of the Essene communities; and on occasion their theology has been similarly preoccupied with the events of the end of the age. Even today Christian communities exist; they may be part of an historical order known for monastic life, or they may be independent communes. Living in a community that shares all things, has an ordered devotional life and a rigid code of discipline does not appeal to the rank and file of Christians. And neither should it, for such communities do not facilitate the whole mission of the Church in the world. Moreover, such communities can easily fall under the control of individuals who may abuse their power.

But there is also something of the spirit of the Essenes in many Christians who prefer that their communities, their schools, and their workplaces if possible, be thoroughly Christian and separated from the evil society. I am not saying that this is necessarily the wrong thing to do, for that would have to be determined in the different situations. But this interest in developing and safeguarding an isolated environment goes far beyond the usual conviction of biblical separation.

¹ A young Bedouin throwing stones into the caves hit one of the clay pots that held them. After two years they were acquired by the Metropolitan at St. Mark's Monastery in Jerusalem. Eventually they were obtained by those able to study them (Milik, pp. 12,13).

² Ibid., pp. 51,52.

³ This theology has more than a hint of dualism; for a discussion, see the literature on this aspect of Qumran.

⁴ This may still reflect an earlier bitter opposition to the political leaders holding the priestly office as well.

⁵ See Eugene Merrill, Qumran and Predestination.

⁶ Dupont-Sommer concludes that this must be the Messiah of Israel, and the Priest the Messiah of Aaron (p. 108).

⁷ F. F. Bruce, Biblical Exegesis in the Qumran Texts (London: The Tyndale Press, 1960), p. 9.

⁸ Compare the scroll of the Hymns of Thanksgiving (1QH) to see examples of this, notably I, 21; II, 13; and IV, 27-29.

⁹ Charles F. Pfeiffer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1969),

p. 68. This is the most widely held view.

¹⁰ The clear reference to his founding the community is in the Damascus Document.

¹¹ See J. Weingreen, "The Title Moreh Sedek," Journal of Semitic Studies 6 (1961):162-174.

¹² Pfeiffer, p. 71; see also a summary of the Damascus Document in Milik, pp. 56-58.

¹³ It might also refer to the actual son of David, and therefore be a figurative description of the Great Sanhedrin as traitors. If this is so, the Teacher would have been tried before the Sanhedrin, accused by Hyrcanus II, and condemned (Dupont-Sommer, p. 261, n. 4).

¹⁴ Milik, pp. 80-84.

¹⁵ Recall that the name "Essene" is a Greek translation of the Aramaic equivalent of this Hebrew name.

¹⁶ Josephus, Antiquities, 13.5.171.

¹⁷ Millar Burrows, More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls (London: Secker and Warburg, 1958), p. 273. He adds, "To some it may seem pedantic to maintain this distinction, but for the purpose of accurate historical knowledge it is essential."

¹⁸ It is interesting to compare Luke 1:68-79 with the material from Qumran; while both draw heavily from the Old Testament, there is the same expectancy of a new age and the end of darkness.

¹⁹ Burrows, p. 57.

The scribes make up another group of individuals who enjoyed the authority of leadership in Israel. In the New Testament they are associated with the Pharisees and the High Priests as opponents of Jesus. In the Mishnah they are presented as pre-rabbinic teachers with authority, as well as copyists and teachers.¹ Josephus does not list them as a distinct group.

The scribes have a notable history. All ancient peoples had large numbers of scribes for the transmission of religious texts and other legal and historical documents. In the Old Testament the best-known scribe is Ezra; because he was both a scribe and a priest, he was a very powerful religious leader (Ez. 7:6).

If there had not been copyists and interpreters, there would have been no transmission of the biblical text. Those who did the work very quickly became authorities on the text. Most of them were probably priests, or linked with priestly groups. With so many complicated materials involved with the transmission of the holy writings, professional, well-trained scribes were absolutely essential.²

Under the influence of the Greek world, non-priests were added to the scribal class in greater numbers. Moreover, more specialized activities were included; the scribes were also philosophers, sophists, councilors, and teachers.³ In the Book of Deuteronomy we are told that the Levites were the teachers of the Law; but from the Hellenistic period on this task was shared by scribes who may or may not have been connected to the priestly or Levitical heritage--they took their place beside the priests.⁴

In the Maccabean period the scribes were prominent leaders of society; they were now an institution. "Scribe" became a title for a learned guardian of the Law. According to Ben Sira a scribe was also a wise man who had comprehensive knowledge.⁵ And Ben Sirais an important witness; his primary calling was as a biblical scholar, a teacher of the Law, and a representative of the class of soferim.⁶

According to Josephus, scribes were officials at all levels of government. Saldarini concludes that in the New Testament they could be mid-level officials serving the king (p. 261). But there were also Temple scribes who occupied themselves recording, teaching, and ruling on points of law.

The scribes do not seem to be a coherent social group with membership. They were basically bureaucrats, experts on Jewish life and law. They might be lower level scribes who served the villages as village scribes, making contracts, documents, and serving as government officials. But they mostly lived in Jerusalem and associated with the priests: they were expert in judicial procedures, helpful in the enforcement of Jewish law and custom, and even joined the governing class and served on the Sanhedrin. Because they depended on the wealthy for their training and their positions, they were loyal to the chief priests and leaders.⁷

In Rabbinic literature they are the early authoritative teachers to whom a large number of rulings and legal interpretations are attributed.⁸ They were influential in Judaism, to be sure; the Mishnah circumscribes but does not condemn their authority.⁹ At this period they were credited with less authority than they seem to have in the Bible. In the Talmudic period the roles of the scribe and the wise were assimilated into the title Rabbi.¹⁰

In the New Testament period the scribes were learned teachers and authoritative leaders, who were drawn from the priests and Levites, as well as the common people. Mark portrays them as high officials, advisors to the chief priests, and teachers of the Law. As such they were part of many types of officials opposed to Jesus. Matthew presents them as the learned of Judaism, leaders of the community. Luke portrays them as an appendage of the Pharisees, learned men who were protecting Judaism, and leaders who were associated with the Chief Priests. It is clear from the many witnesses that the scribes had authority because they had knowledge. And whatever level of government they served, they sought to preserve Judaism against opponents like Jesus.

In Christianity the "learned" have always been influential; and with that influence comes authority. This can be very good. The Church desperately needs spiritual leaders who are biblical scholars. Unfortunately, such learning can be more of a hindrance than a help. Biblical scholarship can be weak and ineffectual; it can also be dishonest and destructive. And it is not uncommon to see scholars, buoyed by popularity, seize the authority and set themselves over generations of biblical authorities. And if they have little or no faith, or if they follow faulty presuppositions, their learning will not contribute to the spiritual growth of the believing community. More often than not the learned work to impress their peers, and in such academic arenas modern criticism and political correctness are the ways to acceptance and advancement. Traditional beliefs, especially the supernatural, are all too often considered to be obscurantist. And it is not merely because a good deal of conservative scholarship has been shoddy. Much of the Christian faith is simply an embarrassment to many. The world of biblical scholarship is filled with theological cowards. One can only wonder how the modern scholars would compare to the ancient scribes' opposition to Jesus and His claims.

¹ Saldarini, p. 241.

² Ibid., p. 249.

³ Saldarini, p. 249.

⁴ Moore, I:41, 42.

⁵ Ibid., p. 254.

⁶ Moore, I, 39.

⁷ Saldarini, pp. 266,267.

⁸ In the tannaitic literature the scholars are not called "scribes"; they are the "sages" (hakamim).

⁹ Ibid., p. 268.

¹⁰ Ibid., p. 273.