1tn Heb “speaking to me according to these words.”

2tn Heb “I placed my face toward.”

3tn Heb “Behold.”

4tc So most Hebrew MSS; one Hebrew MS along with the Dead Sea Scrolls and LXX read “something that looked like a man’s hand.”

5tn Heb “my lord,” here a title of polite address. Cf. v. 19.

6tn Heb “How is the servant of this my lord able to speak with this my lord?”

7tn Heb “does not stand.”

8tn Heb “He added and touched me.” The construction is a verbal hendiadys.

9tn Heb “treasured man.”

10tn Heb “my lord may speak.”

11sn The question is rhetorical, intended to encourage reflection on Daniel’s part.

12tn Heb “a book of truth.” Several English versions treat this as a title of some sort (cf. NIV, NCV, TEV, CEV, NLT), although the NAB’s rendering “the truthful book” regards “truth” as an attributive adjective, as does the present translation.

13tn The word “princes” is supplied for clarity.

14tn The pronoun is plural in Hebrew, suggesting that Michael is the angelic prince of Daniel and his people.

15sn The antecedent of the pronoun “I” is the angel, not Daniel. The traditional chapter division at this point, and the presence of a chronological note in the verse similar to ones used elsewhere in the book to position Daniel’s activities in relation to imperial affairs, sometimes lead to confusion on this matter.

16sn Perhaps these three more kings are Cambyses (ca. 530-522 B.C.), Pseudo-Smerdis (ca. 522 B.C.), and Darius I Hystaspes (ca. 522-486 B.C.).

17sn This fourth king is Xerxes I (ca. 486-465 B.C.). The following reference to one of his chiefs apparently has in view Seleucus Nicator.

18tn Heb “rich with great riches.”

19tn The text is difficult. The Hebrew has here אֶת (’et), the marker of a definite direct object. As it stands, this would suggest the meaning that “he will arouse everyone, that is, the kingdom of Greece.” The context, however, seems to suggest the idea that this Persian king will arouse in hostility against Greece the constituent elements of his own empire. This requires supplying the word “against,” which is not actually present in the Hebrew text.

20sn The powerful king mentioned here is Alexander the Great (ca. 336-323 B.C.).

21tn Heb “and when he stands.”

22tn Or “the heavens.” The Hebrew term שָׁמַיִם (shamayim) may be translated “heavens” or “sky” depending on the context.

23sn The king of the south is Ptolemy I Soter (ca. 323-285 B.C.). The following reference to one of his subordinates apparently has in view Seleucus I Nicator (ca. 311-280 B.C.). Throughout the remainder of chap. 11 the expressions “king of the south” and “king of the north” repeatedly occur. It is clear, however, that these terms are being used generically to describe the Ptolemaic king (i.e., “of the south”) or the Seleucid king (i.e., “of the north”) who happens to be in power at any particular time. The specific identity of these kings can be established more or less successfully by a comparison of this chapter with the available extra-biblical records that discuss the history of the intertestamental period. In the following notes the generally accepted identifications are briefly mentioned.

24tn Heb “princes.”

25tn Heb “and he”; the referent (the subordinate prince mentioned in the previous clause) has been specified in the translation for clarity.

26tn Heb “be strong against.”

27tn Heb “greater than his kingdom.”

28sn Here they refers to Ptolemy II Philadelphus (ca. 285-246 B.C.) and Antiochus II Theos (ca. 262-246 B.C.).

29sn The daughter refers to Berenice, who was given in marriage to Antiochus II Theos.

30tn Heb “the strength of the arm.”

31tn Heb “stand.” So also in vv. 7, 8, 11, 13.

32tn Heb “and his arm.” Some understand this to refer to the descendants of the king of the north.

33tc The present translation reads יַלְדָּה (yaldah, “her child”) rather than the MT יֹלְדָהּ (yol˙dah, “the one who begot her”). Cf. Theodotion, the Syriac, and the Vulgate.

34sn Antiochus II eventually divorced Berenice and remarried his former wife Laodice, who then poisoned her husband, had Berenice put to death, and installed her own son, Seleucus II Callinicus (ca. 246-227 B.C.), as the Seleucid king.

35sn The reference is to the king of Egypt.

36tn Heb “the stock of her roots.”

sn The reference to one from her family line is probably to Berenice’s brother, Ptolemy III Euergetes (ca. 246-221 B.C.).

37tn Heb “will deal with them and prevail.”

38tn The Hebrew preposition מִן (min) is used here with the verb עָמַד (’amad, “to stand”). It probably has a sense of separation (“stand away from”), although it may also be understood in an adversative sense (“stand against”).

39tn Heb “he”; the referent (the king of the north) has been specified in the translation for clarity.

40sn The sons of Seleucus II Callinicus were Seleucus III Ceraunus (ca. 227-223 B.C.) and Antiochus III the Great (ca. 223-187 B.C.).

41tn Heb “his”; the referent (the enemy of the king of the north) has been specified in the translation for clarity.

42tn Heb “and he will certainly come and overflow and cross over and return and be aroused unto a fortress.” The translation has attempted to simplify the syntax of this difficult sequence.

43sn This king of the south refers to Ptolemy IV Philopator (ca. 221-204 B.C.).

44tn Heb “his heart will be lifted up.” The referent (the king of the south) has been specified in the translation for clarity.

45tn Heb “cause to fall.”

46tn Heb “of myriads.”

47tn Heb “stand against.”

48sn This was Ptolemy V Epiphanes (ca. 203-181 B.C.).

49tn Heb “sons of violence.” “Son(s) is sometimes used idiomatically in Hebrew to indicate that someone is characterized by a certain quality. So the expression “sons of violence” means that these individuals will be characterized by violent deeds.

50tn Heb “to cause to stand.”

51sn This well-fortified city is apparently Sidon. Its capture from the Ptolemies by Antiochus the Great was a strategic victory for the Seleucid kingdom.

52tn Or “choice troops” (BDB 104 s.v. מִבְחָר), or “elite troops” (HALOT 542 s.v. מִבְחָר).

53tn Heb “hand.”

54tn Heb “and he will set his face.” Cf. vv. 18, 19.

55tc The present translation reads מֵישָׁרִים (mesharim, “alliances”) for the MT וִישָׁרִים (viysharim, “uprightness”).

56tn Heb “him”; the referent (the king of the south) has been specified in the translation for clarity.

57tn Heb “the daughter of the women.”

sn The daughter refers to Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus, who was given in marriage to Ptolemy V.

58tn Heb “his face.” See v. 19 as well.

59sn The commander is probably the Roman commander, Lucius Cornelius Scipio.

60tn The Hebrew here is difficult in that the negative בִּלְתִּי (biltiy, “not”) is used in an unusual way. The sense is not entirely clear.

61tn Heb “his shameful conduct he will return to him.”

62tn Heb “on his place.”

63sn The one who will send out an exactor of tribute was Seleucus IV Philopator (ca. 187-176 B.C.).

64sn Perhaps this exactor of tribute was Heliodorus (cf. 2 Maccabees 3).

65tn Heb “broken” or “shattered.”

66sn This despicable person to whom the royal honor has not been rightfully conferred is Antiochus IV Epiphanes (ca. 175-164 B.C.).

67tn Heb “arms.”

68tc The present translation reads הִשָּׁטֹף (hishatof), Niphal infinitive absolute of שָׁטַף (shataf, “to overflow”), for the MT הַשֶּׁטֶף (hashetef, “flood”).

69tn The words “in defeat” are added in the translation for clarification.

70tn Heb “a prince of the covenant.”

71tn Heb “broken” or “shattered.”

72tn The preposition מִן (min) is probably temporal here (so BDB 583 s.v. 7.c; cf. KJV, NAB, NASB, NIV, NRSV), although it could also be understood here as indicating means (so J. Goldingay, Daniel [WBC], 279, n. 23a; cf. TEV, NLT).

73tn Heb “nation.”

74tn Heb “and unto a time.”

75tn Heb “heart.”

76sn This king of the south was Ptolemy Philometer (ca. 181-145 B.C.).

77tc The present translation reads יִשָׁטֵף (yishatef, passive) rather than the MT יִשְׁטוֹף (yishtof, active).

78tn Heb “heart.” So also in v. 28.

79tn Heb “speak.”

80tn Heb “he”; the referent (the king of the north) has been specified in the translation for clarity.

81sn The name Kittim has various designations in extra-biblical literature. It can refer to a location on the island of Cyprus, or more generally to the island itself, or it can be an inclusive term to refer to parts of the Mediterranean world that lay west of the Middle East (e.g., Rome). For ships of Kittim the Greek OT (LXX) has “Romans,” an interpretation followed by a few English versions (e.g., TEV). A number of times in the Dead Sea Scrolls the word is used in reference to the Romans. Other English versions are more generic: “[ships] of the western coastlands” (NIV, NLT); “from the west” (NCV, CEV).

82sn This is apparently a reference to the Roman forces, led by Gaius Popilius Laenas, which confronted Antiochus when he came to Egypt and demanded that he withdraw or face the wrath of Rome. Antiochus wisely withdrew from Egypt, albeit in a state of bitter frustration.

83tn Heb “show regard for.”

84tn Heb “arms.”

85tn Heb “the sanctuary, the fortress.”

86tn Heb “will give.”

87tn Or “corrupt.”

88tn Heb “acted wickedly toward.”

89tn Heb “know.” The term “know” sometimes means “to recognize.” In relational contexts it can have the connotation “recognize the authority of, be loyal to,” as it does here.

90sn This is an allusion to the Maccabean revolt, which struggled to bring about Jewish independence in the second century B.C.

91tn Heb “the many.”

92tn Heb “stumble.”

93tn Or “by burning.”

94tn Heb “days.”

95sn The identity of this king is problematic. If vv. 36-45 continue the description of Antiochus Epiphanes, the account must be viewed as erroneous, since the details do not match what is known of Antiochus’ latter days. Most modern scholars take this view, concluding that this section was written just shortly before the death of Antiochus and that the writer erred on several key points as he tried to predict what would follow the events of his own day. Conservative scholars, however, usually understand the reference to shift at this point to an eschatological figure, viz., the Antichrist. The chronological gap that this would presuppose to be in the narrative is not necessarily a problem, since by all accounts there are many chronological gaps throughout the chapter, as the historical figures intended by such expressions as “king of the north” and “king of the south” repeatedly shift.

96tn The words “the time of” are added in the translation for clarification.

97tn Heb “has been done.” The Hebrew verb used here is the perfect of certitude, emphasizing the certainty of fulfillment.

98tn Heb “consider.”

99tn Heb “[the one] desired by women.” The referent has been specified in the translation for clarity.

100tn Heb “act against.”

101tn Heb “with.”

102tn Or perhaps “for a reward.”

103tn Heb “engage in thrusting.”

104tn The referent of the pronoun is most likely the king of the south, in which case the text describes the king of the north countering the attack of the king of the south.

105tn Heb “many ships.”

106tn This most likely refers to the king of the north who, in response to the aggression of the king of the south, launches an invasion of the southern regions.

107tn Heb “and will overflow and pass over.”

108sn The beautiful land is a cryptic reference to the land of Israel.

109tn This can be understood as “many people” (cf. NRSV) or “many countries” (cf. NASB, NIV, NLT).

110tn Heb “be delivered from his hand.”

111tn Heb “hand.”

112tn Or “Nubians” (NIV, NCV); Heb “Cushites.”

113tn Heb “Libyans and Cushites [will be] at his footsteps.”

114sn Presumably seas refers to the Mediterranean Sea and the Dead Sea.